Victor Bergeron behind the bar at Trader Vic's. (Courtesy of Eve Bergeron)
You’re sitting on the beach, sand between your toes, sunglasses on. What else could make this picture complete? How about a Mai Tai?
This rum cocktail probably makes you think Hawaii, though a lot of people and places have claimed the drink as their own. But where did it really come from? I set off on a mission to find out.
First, I headed to a place that bills itself as the “Home of the Original Mai Tai.” Trader Vic’s is tucked away on the shores of San Francisco Bay, in Emeryville. On one side of the restaurant chain’s flagship is the marina, on the other, the Bay Bridge.
According to Daniel Veliz, Trader Vic’s corporate beverage director, they served 40,000 Mai Tais last year in this location alone.
But what’s in an Original Trader Vic’s Mai Tai? As Veliz began mixing one for me, he said that it has just five ingredients. “Fresh lime, orgeat (almond) syrup, a touch of rock candy syrup, orange curacao, and 2 ounces of amber rum,” he said.
He gave it all a shake and poured it into a glass, then added a spent lime wedge and a touch of mint for garnish. And unlike some of the Mai Tais I’ve seen, there was no rum float, no pineapple or orange juice. And it wasn’t red. He presented a drink that was a lovely golden brown.
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The Vic behind Trader Vic’s was Victor Bergeron, who claimed he invented the drink in 1944. His granddaughter, Eve Bergeron, told me he created the cocktail and asked some visiting friends from Tahiti — Ham and Carrie Guild — to try it. After Carrie tasted it, she exclaimed “Mai Tai roa ae!” which means ” ‘awesome’ in Tahiti,” Veliz explained. And thus the drink was named.
Tiki historian and author Jeff “Beachbum” Berry said the story of the Mai Tai started at 65th Street and San Pablo Avenue in Oakland. That’s where Bergeron opened a little saloon in 1934 called Hinky Dinks, named after a risque ditty that was popular at the time.
The business was successful, but Vic was interested in the tropical-themed drinks he started to see in a few spots in his native San Francisco. He set off to learn from the masters, stopping in New Orleans and the Caribbean.
In 1938, he spent a week at the legendary Havana bar, La Floridita, trying to learn all he could from the man known as the “Cocktail King,”Constantino Ribalaigua Vert.
“One of Constantino’s famous drinks was called the Golden Gloves and (it) calls for gold Jamaican rum, orange juice, orange curacao, lime juice and sugar,” explained Berry. “Now if you add orgeat syrup to that you have a Mai Tai more or less. And that could also have been Vic’s inspiration.”
When Bergeron returned to Oakland, he added the drinks he learned to make during his travels to the Hinky Dinks’ menu. “We went to work and made up a lot of new ones, ones that would sell in America,” he wrote in his 1973 autobiography, “Frankly Speaking.”
But Bergeron also found inspiration closer to home at a Los Angeles bar called Don the Beachcomber, according to Martin Cate, owner of San Francisco’s Smuggler’s Cove and a former Trader Vic’s bartender.
“[It was] absolutely all the rage from almost day one when it opened in Hollywood,” said Cate. “[Vic] traveled down and he not only fell in love with the place, he would try to grill bartenders all day long about what was there.”
Opened in 1933, Don the Beachcomber was essentially the first tiki bar, according to cocktail historians. And it served a couple of drinks that may have been of interest to Vic Bergeron, including the Q.B. Cooler, which Berry said tasted like a Mai Tai. There was even a drink called the Mai Tai Swizzle in the early ’30s, but it was off the menu by the time Bergeron visited.
But owner Donn Beach was notoriously protective and had his bartenders mix drinks from bottles labeled with numbers. Even though Bergeron didn’t walk away with any of Donn Beach’s secret recipes, he bought some decor from him, according to Cate. The visit was a catalyst.
“When I got back to Oakland and told my wife what I had seen, we agreed to change the name of our restaurant and change the decor,” Bergeron wrote in his autobiography. “We decided Hinky Dinks was a junky name and that the place should be named after someone we could tell a story about. My wife suggested ‘Trader Vic’s’ because I was always making a trade with someone. Fine, I became Trader Vic.”
So Hinky Dinks became Trader Vic’s, and business boomed. Bergeron’s pal, San Francisco Chronicle columnist Herb Caen, helped drive its popularity, exclaiming “the best restaurant in San Francisco is in Oakland.” But the Mai Tai itself wasn’t the draw — it was just one of many drinks on Vic’s expansive menu.
Martin Cate said that it wasn’t until 1953, nearly 10 years after it was first introduced, that the cocktail took a cruise to Hawaii, where the Mai Tai really became the Mai Tai.
“He sent the recipe on board the Matson steamship lines, which were sailing out of San Francisco to Hawaii starting in the early 1950s,” Cate said. “The Mai Tai was on the menu because they asked Vic to not only do the menu for the ships, but also for their hotel, the Royal Hawaiian in Waikiki. And when the Mai Tai got to Hawaii, it mutated basically into something Hawaiian, meaning, namely, pineapple juice.”
Jeff Berry said travel writers picked up on it and the Mai Tai basically went viral. And because the recipe wouldn’t be published until two decades later, restaurants and bars put their own spin on the drink.
“A Mai Tai became sort of like the symbol of your Hawaiian vacation,” said Berry. “It was like paradise in a glass. I think that name more than anything else is the reason why that happened.”
So who’s the true originator of the Mai Tai? Was it Constantino Ribalaigua Vert in Cuba? Donn Beach in L.A.? Or Victor Bergeron in Oakland?
Well, for most cocktail historians, including Martin Cate and Jeff Berry, the original Mai Tai has just five ingredients and was created in Oakland by Victor Bergeron.
As for Vic? As he wrote in his autobiography: “Anybody who says I didn’t create this drink is a dirty stinker.”
So raise a glass to the Mai Tai, which turns 75 in August.
lower waypoint
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At that time, he largely escaped scrutiny from members of his own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Josh Koehn of the San Francisco Standard reported in mid-April, three more women have publicly accused Jacobo of sexual abuse and domestic violence. And they say that leaders treated their allegations with indifference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC6773718564\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/04/16/san-francisco-housing-jon-jacobo-accused-of-sex-crimes-abuse/\">Women accused a rising SF political star of rape and abuse—and met a wall of silence\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/05/09/san-francisco-sexual-assault-hearing-supervisors-police/\">San Francisco created an agency to fight sexual crimes. It’s never met with police\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/05/02/san-francisco-democrats-metoo-sexual-assault-rape/\">San Francisco Democrats are having a #MeToo moment as women share stories of rape, abuse\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Hey, just a quick warning before we get started here. This episode describes sexual abuse. Please take care while listening. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and Welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>There’s a whole network of people who make San Francisco politics and government go round, and that network has been shaken up. And it all centers around a community activist named Jon Jacobo, a once rising political star who was being groomed for the top.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>He was very much someone who was climbing up the ranks, up the ladder of politics, and was seen as someone who could be an heir apparent to become supervisor of the mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Jacobo had been super active in San Francisco’s Mission District and was the director of a powerful affordable housing nonprofit called TODCO. But behind the scenes, women were coming out to accuse Jacobo of rape, sexual abuse and domestic violence. And they say their stories were ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The woman felt like Jon Jacobo did not get held accountable, that his political allies were able to lean on people into silence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Today, the allegations against Jon Jacobo and how his political allies turned a blind eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And the last few years, Jon Jacobo has been a community activist in the Mission District of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Josh Keene is a senior reporter for the San Francisco Standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>He served as a director for TODCO, which is one of the most powerful affordable housing nonprofits in the Bay area. He did a lot of work around helping community nonprofits in the mission. He served on the board of a group called Chi Venti Quatro. He also was, instrumental in the Latino Task force. This is someone who was deeply connected in San Francisco politics, particularly when it comes to the progressive wing of Democratic politics in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, how did people describe Jon Jacobo’s personality?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>John Jacobo was described to me as someone who’s very gregarious, can be quite charming, someone who is very astute politically and knows how to make connections. Whether or not those connections are genuine is up to the person who was meeting with him. I was told by multiple people that John Jacobo is someone who can be a little bit manipulative and use, those political connections to get to the next rung of the ladder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>He’s this rising political star in San Francisco, this really charismatic guy. And then in 2021, a woman named Sasha Perrigo comes out and accuses John Jacobo of rape. What was she alleging? Exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So Sasha Perrigo, in the summer of 2021, published an open letter on Twitter, and it was a seven page document that laid out in very excruciating detail how she felt that Jon Jacobo had raped her in a night in which she had come to his apartment. She had been telling him that, hey, I’m just going to come. We’re going to hang out, you know, maybe have some drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And over the course of the night, she said that he was very aggressive and kept advancing on her until the morning after they were hanging out. She woke up and he forced himself on her, is what she alleged. When Sasha Perego came forward, the document that she published laid out a whole host of allegations, but it also included a rape kit that she took, within the days of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>It sent shockwaves through the whole political community. Not only was this a rising star in politics, but she also worked in the affordable housing space similar to much of Cobo. And so this had layers to it in which people in the housing community, people in the political space, people in Latino politics and the mission, everyone was kind of taken aback by these allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I remember this happening and it really being like a bombshell moment. Did Sasha Perrigo pursue charges against Jacobo after this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Sasha decided that she was not going to press charges with police. She had a lot of distrust of the criminal justice system, particularly in the way that it treats communities of color, but also in the way that it treats victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And so she felt that there were other forms of accountability that could be obtained by coming forward in the fashion that she did. However, she was very disappointed to see that there were not a lot of steps taken. Jacob did step down from a commissioned post with the city, but he retained his job and many of his political allies came to his defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So in other words, there was a little bit of shock, a little bit of a response, but things sort of just fizzled out from there. It sounds like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. For him, I think it was a chance to step back, I think, where his political aspirations were to probably run for supervisor. Those were probably eliminated. But other than that, he very much actually was starting to make a return to the limelight in just the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, Josh, that was three years ago that Sasha Perrigo posted those allegations on Twitter. Flash forward to April of this year, and we’re talking about this now because of a story that you broke for the San Francisco Standard about even more accusations that have come out against Jon Jacobo. What did you find?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Three women actually got in touch with me, and they told me, you know, we have been wanting to tell our story because actually, we filed police reports after Sasha came forward. We went to people in local politics that we knew to try to get their help, and those efforts didn’t go anywhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Let’s talk about these women and their stories a little bit. I mean, who are these women exactly? Are they people like Sasha who are also sort of working within the realm of local San Francisco politics?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah, very much so. These three women, I have all worked at very high levels of local government and public policy. These are people that are well known in the political space. In some ways, that actually were acted as a detriment to them in trying to get their story out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>What they found is that the people in power, Jacobo’s political allies, were uninterested in hearing their stories, and they also knew that not only was there a potential risk for retribution from him and his allies, but that could end up leading to damage to their professional careers. And they also had fears for their own safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And they all wanted to remain anonymous and talking with you for this story. Right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So I reported this story over the course of a year. Lots of interviews, lots of conversations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>What are the range of accusations they make against him?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah, the accusations are quite horrific. They range from harassment, stalking, domestic violence that included strangulation threats, sexual assault and rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Zooming in on one of the women. Actually a former partner of Jacobus. Right. And she actually is the one who accuses him of domestic violence. And I wonder if you could tell me a little bit more about her story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The allegations made by the first woman in our story, they started dating in 2015 and they dated for over three years. Almost immediately, he began to abuse her. She didn’t know what to do, and she kind of fell under a trap and felt like she couldn’t get out. The accusations range from breaking their furniture, breaking through doors to get to her, locking her into their home, choking her multiple times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Threatening to kill her, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Threatening to kill her. She she said that he would point a gun at her and talk about killing her and her family, and we also had audio recordings in which he is heard threatening her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And for the other women, what about them wanted their the allegations they made take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So the other two women who are featured in this story, one of them alleged that Jon Jacobo raped her in the winter of 2018. Her allegations are very similar to Sasha Burgos, in which she says that John continued to pester her to come over and see her. She allowed him to come to her apartment. She said, we are not hooking up or anything like that. We can just talk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And she says that almost immediately after he came to her home, he forced himself on her and she froze. Which is not an uncommon experience for many victims of sexual assault. She only later realized through quite a bit of therapy. She said, that this was in fact rape because she had told him no many times as he was removing her pants and forcing himself on her. So the third woman, her incidents there were two occurred in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>She says that after a night out in which John had been drinking, she allowed him to stay at her apartment in a common area, and she had roommates. She says that when she woke up in her bed, she thought her boyfriend had come home late. And instead, what she found was that Jacomo had allegedly entered her room, gotten naked and into bed with her, and then tried to force himself on her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>That morning, she managed to get him to snap out of it, apparently, and he quickly left and she tried to rationalize it. Which is, again, when we talk about locking up, out of fear or trying to rationalize someone’s behavior because you feel like maybe this is not indicative of who they are. Over time, she kind of stayed away from him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But then there was a night out with friends later in 2016, in Oakland, in which they went out a group for drinks and dancing and went back to a friend’s house, and she passed out and found out later that her friend actually had to allegedly rescue her from Jacobo, trying to take advantage of her while she was unconscious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And that friend, who’s a commissioner for the Recreation and Parks Department in Oakland, who actually went on record saying that she felt that if she had not come in and stopped it, that she feels like he would have raped her. So those are the the three incidents in total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, yeah, has has reporting these to the police led to anything for these women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So the women went to police in the months after Sasha Burgo came forward with her public accusations. All of the women told me that they did not necessarily feel supported or believed. You know, it’s common for law enforcement to try to be very frank with the survivors and let them know these are very difficult cases. We need to get a lot of evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But the women I spoke with said this isn’t that this was different. And looking at their police reports, they said that there were a lot of things that were left out. One of the women said she provided evidence that was not even mentioned in her police report. There were also not efforts made. They said, to connect them with outside jurisdictional police departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>That would also have a role in an investigation. The police would counter that argument, and they have been very aggressive in pushing back, saying that they have done everything they can in these cases. However, the women, their story should not be discounted because they have gone through this and they were very brave to come forward and do all of this from the police reports all the way to, telling the story with me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Coming up, how these women say the political machine protected Jon Jacobo. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>In the first part of this episode, we heard about how multiple women accused Jon Jacobo of sexual abuse, sexual assault, and domestic violence. The three women who talked to Josh keen for this story say they were ignored not only by police but also by people who worked with Jon Jacobo, including former San Francisco supervisor Jane Kim, who hired Jacobo back in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The women felt like Jon Jacobo did not get held accountable, that his political allies were able to lean on people into silence. Supervisor Jane Kim, who was his former boss and is now the head of the California Working Families Party. She ran for mayor. She ran for a state senate that she brought Jacobo to a political gala just weeks after Sasha Perrigo accused him of rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But then I was also told by a very legitimate source that Jane Kim was working to hire John, an attorney, to deal with Sasha Perrigo’s accusation. So that’s one example. John Oberlin, the head of TODCO. He actually was grooming John to take over Taco’s financial operations, which would then make him a significant political player in deciding how to fund ballot measures polling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So when they saw these reports and then they saw him doing TV interviews for the Mission Street vendors, and they knew that he was back on these community boards, they felt, you know what, we have to get this story out because that the very least, we want to make sure that our story is heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>When it comes to folks like Jane Kim, who are accused of not responding adequately to these accusations against John Jacobus. How has she responded? How has she and others? I mean, in the party responded to accusations that they protected Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So I spoke with Jane Kim for this story. It was a very curious response I got from her, because she seemed less concerned with the fact that there were three more women who had disturbing allegations against John, who was a protege of hers, and that they had filed police reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And she seemed more concerned with the timing of the story, asking me, why is this happening now? Her level of outrage with each answer, and this is just to me, seemed to amplify when she realized the serious nature of what I was asking her. You know, I asked her if she was aware of other allegations against John, and she said, no, no, no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Well, you know, actually, yes, I had heard from the San Francisco Women’s Political Committee that there might be others out there, but she never pursued it. I have not seen any response from her since the story published in that, probably because there were people who said that she went out of her way to protect Jon Jacobo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Though she denies that right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>She did deny it. And she said that she’d never tried to help him find an attorney. You know, when it comes to TODCO, TODCO announced the day the story ran that Jon Jacobo had resigned from his position as a director with the housing organization. They said that they were not aware of the extent of the allegations in my story. Despite having an internal review of his work, even the the nonprofits within the mission that he had coordinated with very muted statements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Has Jon Jacobo said anything in response to these accusations in your story?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>No. Jon Jacobo did not respond to multiple requests for comment, including an email with very detailed questions. And he has not said anything that I have seen since the story published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>After Josh’s story came out in mid April, allegations against other figures in San Francisco politics have surfaced. They include Kevin Ortiz, a former staffer for Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, and Jay Chang, who runs the moderate group neighbors for a Better San Francisco. Josh says these stories, regardless of party, show a pattern of people choosing to protect their political allies first. Why do these political figure. What what stake do they have in protecting someone? I guess like Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Well, in this kind of it’s a, a deeper, complex question, but it comes down to the way that political tribes protect themselves, that if one of us is accused that we have their back, or if we don’t have their back, we just make sure that we can’t be harmed politically as a result of their alleged improprieties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>This is not a partisan issue within the Democratic Party, or even really Democrats and Republicans. There is always going to be this instinct to. Make sure that your click of politics is not harmed, or that you are not personally harmed. And so the the immediate reaction generally is to shut up and and just make sure that, like, let the story go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The media cycles so fast these days that if you can just hunker down for a few days, maybe it’ll blow over. Yeah, but this one has not necessarily blown over. And I think it also just shows that, you know, once you put the lens really on the people hunkering down as well, not just the, accused predator, that a story can maybe have a little bit more impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>As a result of the story, there were two different hearings that were held. One was by the Democratic Party for San Francisco looking into sexual assault and harassment in political spaces. And then there was also a hearing at City Hall called by Supervisor Hillary Ronen to look into a group called sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hillary Ronen: \u003c/strong>Good morning, everyone. First, I really want to thank chair Stephanie and supervisor Mel…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>SHARP Stands for the Office of Sexual Harassment and Assault Response and Prevention. It’s actually under the umbrella of the Human Rights Commission. And their responsibilities are to advocate for survivors of sexual harassment and assault, and also try and transform the systems in place to address sexual violence in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>In the time that Sharp’s been created in six years, they have had zero meetings with the police department. A captain for the San Francisco Police Department, Alexa O’Brian. She runs the Special Victims Unit. Said that she wasn’t even certain they had had a phone call. Was sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hillary Ronen \u003c/strong>Have you ever met with SHARP and in any way, shape or form?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alexa O’Brien: \u003c/strong>I think they have been on a call with us. Share. Like a call that I’ve been on with maybe one of my other partners. The case, they might have showed up on a call, but no, I have never met directly or had a meeting with sharp. I’ve never sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Officials, and it’s a small two person team. Seem to have actually not understood the mission. And instead of actually working with victims to better coordinate, with departments and hold these departments accountable if they’re not seen as supportive, they instead, went out and tried to find victims of sexual assault who were not reporting crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Keene: \u003c/strong>The sharp hearing on May 9th was. I would call it a dog and pony show. I think it was completely worthless, if I’m being honest. It was a lot of, elected officials thanking each other for trying to do the job, but failing miserably.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, ultimately, what do survivors want? I mean, I feel like the answer is accountability, I guess. But I mean, could there be criminal charges against Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Every every survivor of sexual assault has, you know, their own priorities. And the women in this story are no different in that sense, in which each of them had a different goal for coming forward, where Sasha Perrigo said that she wanted accountability but did not want to go through the criminal justice system. The three women who came forward in my story say no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>We would like to see him charged with crimes. I will add that the story, does end with Sasha Pago, reconsidering whether to press criminal charges. She wasn’t aware of many of the stories that these women told in in our piece. And so when she saw the totality of this, she was aware of other allegations, but nothing to the extent of what was in the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And so she said that she was going to have a conversation with police and, you know, decide whether or not to move forward. And if if Sasha Perrigo were to press criminal charges against John Jacomo, there is a possibility that the allegations in my story could be part of a larger, prosecutorial case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, how does all of this ultimately affect. All of us. Josh, right? Like, even if you’re coming to this story for the first time, maybe you’re not plugged in to San Francisco politics. How does this affect the average person?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>If you don’t know these people and you don’t vote for these people? It may seem like it’s just like, oh, well, politics is gross and I move on with my day. But my hope is that anyone who reads this story maybe actually says for a second, well, if this is happening to women in power, they are advancing in their careers. And, you know, there’s no way this could happen to them because they’re the people that actually could sound the alarm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>If it’s happening to women like that, then it’s probably happening to women all over. You know, also, if you see behavior, with someone you’re close to and, and there’s some kind of encounter that you know, of, but it’s kind of ambiguous, you know, these are the kind of things that maybe, like, we need to check ourselves and say, okay, maybe, maybe I need to be in more open ear, or I’m more helpful to my friends, family, colleagues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, Josh, thank you so much for joining us on the show. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Thanks, Ericka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That was Josh Koehn, a senior reporter for the San Francisco Standard. We’ll leave you some links to Josh’s reporting on this topic in our show notes. This 45 minute conversation with Josh was cut down and edited by producer Maria Esquinca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Ellie Prickett-Morgan is our intern, they scored this episode and added all the tape. Our senior editor is Alan Montecillo. Music courtesy of the Audio Network. The Bay is a production of listener supported KQED in San Francisco. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thanks for listening. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Jon Jacobo was a rising star in the progressive wing of San Francisco politics when a colleague publicly accused him of rape in 2021","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715804043,"stats":{"hasAudio":true,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":87,"wordCount":4188},"headData":{"title":"'I Am Still Haunted': Women Accuse Rising SF Political Star of Rape and Abuse | KQED","description":"Jon Jacobo was a rising star in the progressive wing of San Francisco politics when a colleague publicly accused him of rape in 2021","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"'I Am Still Haunted': Women Accuse Rising SF Political Star of Rape and Abuse","datePublished":"2024-05-15T10:00:33.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-15T20:14:03.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"The Bay","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/podcasts/thebay","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC6773718564.mp3?updated=1715721978","sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11986169","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986169/the-rising-s-f-political-star-accused-of-rape-and-abuse","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp class=\"p1\">\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">\u003ci>View the full episode transcript.\u003c/i>\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jon Jacobo was a rising star in the progressive wing of San Francisco politics when a colleague \u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/sashaperigo/status/1423674978948435973\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">publicly accused him of rape in 2021\u003c/a>. At that time, he largely escaped scrutiny from members of his own party.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But as Josh Koehn of the San Francisco Standard reported in mid-April, three more women have publicly accused Jacobo of sexual abuse and domestic violence. And they say that leaders treated their allegations with indifference.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c!-- iframe plugin v.4.3 wordpress.org/plugins/iframe/ -->\u003cbr>\n\u003ciframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"200\" scrolling=\"no\" src=\"https://playlist.megaphone.fm/?e=KQINC6773718564\" width=\"100%\" class=\"iframe-class\">\u003c/iframe>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Links: \u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/04/16/san-francisco-housing-jon-jacobo-accused-of-sex-crimes-abuse/\">Women accused a rising SF political star of rape and abuse—and met a wall of silence\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/05/09/san-francisco-sexual-assault-hearing-supervisors-police/\">San Francisco created an agency to fight sexual crimes. It’s never met with police\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>\u003ca href=\"https://sfstandard.com/2024/05/02/san-francisco-democrats-metoo-sexual-assault-rape/\">San Francisco Democrats are having a #MeToo moment as women share stories of rape, abuse\u003c/a>\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003ci>This is a computer-generated transcript. While our team has reviewed it, there may be errors.\u003c/i>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Hey, just a quick warning before we get started here. This episode describes sexual abuse. Please take care while listening. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra and Welcome to the Bay. Local news to keep you rooted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>There’s a whole network of people who make San Francisco politics and government go round, and that network has been shaken up. And it all centers around a community activist named Jon Jacobo, a once rising political star who was being groomed for the top.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>He was very much someone who was climbing up the ranks, up the ladder of politics, and was seen as someone who could be an heir apparent to become supervisor of the mission.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Jacobo had been super active in San Francisco’s Mission District and was the director of a powerful affordable housing nonprofit called TODCO. But behind the scenes, women were coming out to accuse Jacobo of rape, sexual abuse and domestic violence. And they say their stories were ignored.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The woman felt like Jon Jacobo did not get held accountable, that his political allies were able to lean on people into silence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Today, the allegations against Jon Jacobo and how his political allies turned a blind eye.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And the last few years, Jon Jacobo has been a community activist in the Mission District of San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Josh Keene is a senior reporter for the San Francisco Standard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>He served as a director for TODCO, which is one of the most powerful affordable housing nonprofits in the Bay area. He did a lot of work around helping community nonprofits in the mission. He served on the board of a group called Chi Venti Quatro. He also was, instrumental in the Latino Task force. This is someone who was deeply connected in San Francisco politics, particularly when it comes to the progressive wing of Democratic politics in the city.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, how did people describe Jon Jacobo’s personality?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>John Jacobo was described to me as someone who’s very gregarious, can be quite charming, someone who is very astute politically and knows how to make connections. Whether or not those connections are genuine is up to the person who was meeting with him. I was told by multiple people that John Jacobo is someone who can be a little bit manipulative and use, those political connections to get to the next rung of the ladder.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>He’s this rising political star in San Francisco, this really charismatic guy. And then in 2021, a woman named Sasha Perrigo comes out and accuses John Jacobo of rape. What was she alleging? Exactly.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So Sasha Perrigo, in the summer of 2021, published an open letter on Twitter, and it was a seven page document that laid out in very excruciating detail how she felt that Jon Jacobo had raped her in a night in which she had come to his apartment. She had been telling him that, hey, I’m just going to come. We’re going to hang out, you know, maybe have some drinks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And over the course of the night, she said that he was very aggressive and kept advancing on her until the morning after they were hanging out. She woke up and he forced himself on her, is what she alleged. When Sasha Perego came forward, the document that she published laid out a whole host of allegations, but it also included a rape kit that she took, within the days of the incident.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>It sent shockwaves through the whole political community. Not only was this a rising star in politics, but she also worked in the affordable housing space similar to much of Cobo. And so this had layers to it in which people in the housing community, people in the political space, people in Latino politics and the mission, everyone was kind of taken aback by these allegations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I remember this happening and it really being like a bombshell moment. Did Sasha Perrigo pursue charges against Jacobo after this?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Sasha decided that she was not going to press charges with police. She had a lot of distrust of the criminal justice system, particularly in the way that it treats communities of color, but also in the way that it treats victims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And so she felt that there were other forms of accountability that could be obtained by coming forward in the fashion that she did. However, she was very disappointed to see that there were not a lot of steps taken. Jacob did step down from a commissioned post with the city, but he retained his job and many of his political allies came to his defense.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>So in other words, there was a little bit of shock, a little bit of a response, but things sort of just fizzled out from there. It sounds like.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. For him, I think it was a chance to step back, I think, where his political aspirations were to probably run for supervisor. Those were probably eliminated. But other than that, he very much actually was starting to make a return to the limelight in just the last year.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, Josh, that was three years ago that Sasha Perrigo posted those allegations on Twitter. Flash forward to April of this year, and we’re talking about this now because of a story that you broke for the San Francisco Standard about even more accusations that have come out against Jon Jacobo. What did you find?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Three women actually got in touch with me, and they told me, you know, we have been wanting to tell our story because actually, we filed police reports after Sasha came forward. We went to people in local politics that we knew to try to get their help, and those efforts didn’t go anywhere.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Let’s talk about these women and their stories a little bit. I mean, who are these women exactly? Are they people like Sasha who are also sort of working within the realm of local San Francisco politics?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah, very much so. These three women, I have all worked at very high levels of local government and public policy. These are people that are well known in the political space. In some ways, that actually were acted as a detriment to them in trying to get their story out.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>What they found is that the people in power, Jacobo’s political allies, were uninterested in hearing their stories, and they also knew that not only was there a potential risk for retribution from him and his allies, but that could end up leading to damage to their professional careers. And they also had fears for their own safety.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And they all wanted to remain anonymous and talking with you for this story. Right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So I reported this story over the course of a year. Lots of interviews, lots of conversations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>What are the range of accusations they make against him?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah, the accusations are quite horrific. They range from harassment, stalking, domestic violence that included strangulation threats, sexual assault and rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Zooming in on one of the women. Actually a former partner of Jacobus. Right. And she actually is the one who accuses him of domestic violence. And I wonder if you could tell me a little bit more about her story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The allegations made by the first woman in our story, they started dating in 2015 and they dated for over three years. Almost immediately, he began to abuse her. She didn’t know what to do, and she kind of fell under a trap and felt like she couldn’t get out. The accusations range from breaking their furniture, breaking through doors to get to her, locking her into their home, choking her multiple times.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Threatening to kill her, right?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Threatening to kill her. She she said that he would point a gun at her and talk about killing her and her family, and we also had audio recordings in which he is heard threatening her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And for the other women, what about them wanted their the allegations they made take place.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So the other two women who are featured in this story, one of them alleged that Jon Jacobo raped her in the winter of 2018. Her allegations are very similar to Sasha Burgos, in which she says that John continued to pester her to come over and see her. She allowed him to come to her apartment. She said, we are not hooking up or anything like that. We can just talk.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And she says that almost immediately after he came to her home, he forced himself on her and she froze. Which is not an uncommon experience for many victims of sexual assault. She only later realized through quite a bit of therapy. She said, that this was in fact rape because she had told him no many times as he was removing her pants and forcing himself on her. So the third woman, her incidents there were two occurred in 2016.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>She says that after a night out in which John had been drinking, she allowed him to stay at her apartment in a common area, and she had roommates. She says that when she woke up in her bed, she thought her boyfriend had come home late. And instead, what she found was that Jacomo had allegedly entered her room, gotten naked and into bed with her, and then tried to force himself on her.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>That morning, she managed to get him to snap out of it, apparently, and he quickly left and she tried to rationalize it. Which is, again, when we talk about locking up, out of fear or trying to rationalize someone’s behavior because you feel like maybe this is not indicative of who they are. Over time, she kind of stayed away from him.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But then there was a night out with friends later in 2016, in Oakland, in which they went out a group for drinks and dancing and went back to a friend’s house, and she passed out and found out later that her friend actually had to allegedly rescue her from Jacobo, trying to take advantage of her while she was unconscious.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And that friend, who’s a commissioner for the Recreation and Parks Department in Oakland, who actually went on record saying that she felt that if she had not come in and stopped it, that she feels like he would have raped her. So those are the the three incidents in total.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>And I mean, yeah, has has reporting these to the police led to anything for these women.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So the women went to police in the months after Sasha Burgo came forward with her public accusations. All of the women told me that they did not necessarily feel supported or believed. You know, it’s common for law enforcement to try to be very frank with the survivors and let them know these are very difficult cases. We need to get a lot of evidence.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But the women I spoke with said this isn’t that this was different. And looking at their police reports, they said that there were a lot of things that were left out. One of the women said she provided evidence that was not even mentioned in her police report. There were also not efforts made. They said, to connect them with outside jurisdictional police departments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>That would also have a role in an investigation. The police would counter that argument, and they have been very aggressive in pushing back, saying that they have done everything they can in these cases. However, the women, their story should not be discounted because they have gone through this and they were very brave to come forward and do all of this from the police reports all the way to, telling the story with me.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Coming up, how these women say the political machine protected Jon Jacobo. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>In the first part of this episode, we heard about how multiple women accused Jon Jacobo of sexual abuse, sexual assault, and domestic violence. The three women who talked to Josh keen for this story say they were ignored not only by police but also by people who worked with Jon Jacobo, including former San Francisco supervisor Jane Kim, who hired Jacobo back in 2018.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The women felt like Jon Jacobo did not get held accountable, that his political allies were able to lean on people into silence. Supervisor Jane Kim, who was his former boss and is now the head of the California Working Families Party. She ran for mayor. She ran for a state senate that she brought Jacobo to a political gala just weeks after Sasha Perrigo accused him of rape.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>But then I was also told by a very legitimate source that Jane Kim was working to hire John, an attorney, to deal with Sasha Perrigo’s accusation. So that’s one example. John Oberlin, the head of TODCO. He actually was grooming John to take over Taco’s financial operations, which would then make him a significant political player in deciding how to fund ballot measures polling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>So when they saw these reports and then they saw him doing TV interviews for the Mission Street vendors, and they knew that he was back on these community boards, they felt, you know what, we have to get this story out because that the very least, we want to make sure that our story is heard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>When it comes to folks like Jane Kim, who are accused of not responding adequately to these accusations against John Jacobus. How has she responded? How has she and others? I mean, in the party responded to accusations that they protected Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. So I spoke with Jane Kim for this story. It was a very curious response I got from her, because she seemed less concerned with the fact that there were three more women who had disturbing allegations against John, who was a protege of hers, and that they had filed police reports.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And she seemed more concerned with the timing of the story, asking me, why is this happening now? Her level of outrage with each answer, and this is just to me, seemed to amplify when she realized the serious nature of what I was asking her. You know, I asked her if she was aware of other allegations against John, and she said, no, no, no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Well, you know, actually, yes, I had heard from the San Francisco Women’s Political Committee that there might be others out there, but she never pursued it. I have not seen any response from her since the story published in that, probably because there were people who said that she went out of her way to protect Jon Jacobo.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Though she denies that right.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>She did deny it. And she said that she’d never tried to help him find an attorney. You know, when it comes to TODCO, TODCO announced the day the story ran that Jon Jacobo had resigned from his position as a director with the housing organization. They said that they were not aware of the extent of the allegations in my story. Despite having an internal review of his work, even the the nonprofits within the mission that he had coordinated with very muted statements.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Has Jon Jacobo said anything in response to these accusations in your story?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>No. Jon Jacobo did not respond to multiple requests for comment, including an email with very detailed questions. And he has not said anything that I have seen since the story published.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>After Josh’s story came out in mid April, allegations against other figures in San Francisco politics have surfaced. They include Kevin Ortiz, a former staffer for Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, and Jay Chang, who runs the moderate group neighbors for a Better San Francisco. Josh says these stories, regardless of party, show a pattern of people choosing to protect their political allies first. Why do these political figure. What what stake do they have in protecting someone? I guess like Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Well, in this kind of it’s a, a deeper, complex question, but it comes down to the way that political tribes protect themselves, that if one of us is accused that we have their back, or if we don’t have their back, we just make sure that we can’t be harmed politically as a result of their alleged improprieties.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>This is not a partisan issue within the Democratic Party, or even really Democrats and Republicans. There is always going to be this instinct to. Make sure that your click of politics is not harmed, or that you are not personally harmed. And so the the immediate reaction generally is to shut up and and just make sure that, like, let the story go.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>The media cycles so fast these days that if you can just hunker down for a few days, maybe it’ll blow over. Yeah, but this one has not necessarily blown over. And I think it also just shows that, you know, once you put the lens really on the people hunkering down as well, not just the, accused predator, that a story can maybe have a little bit more impact.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>As a result of the story, there were two different hearings that were held. One was by the Democratic Party for San Francisco looking into sexual assault and harassment in political spaces. And then there was also a hearing at City Hall called by Supervisor Hillary Ronen to look into a group called sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hillary Ronen: \u003c/strong>Good morning, everyone. First, I really want to thank chair Stephanie and supervisor Mel…\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>SHARP Stands for the Office of Sexual Harassment and Assault Response and Prevention. It’s actually under the umbrella of the Human Rights Commission. And their responsibilities are to advocate for survivors of sexual harassment and assault, and also try and transform the systems in place to address sexual violence in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>In the time that Sharp’s been created in six years, they have had zero meetings with the police department. A captain for the San Francisco Police Department, Alexa O’Brian. She runs the Special Victims Unit. Said that she wasn’t even certain they had had a phone call. Was sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Hillary Ronen \u003c/strong>Have you ever met with SHARP and in any way, shape or form?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alexa O’Brien: \u003c/strong>I think they have been on a call with us. Share. Like a call that I’ve been on with maybe one of my other partners. The case, they might have showed up on a call, but no, I have never met directly or had a meeting with sharp. I’ve never sharp.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Officials, and it’s a small two person team. Seem to have actually not understood the mission. And instead of actually working with victims to better coordinate, with departments and hold these departments accountable if they’re not seen as supportive, they instead, went out and tried to find victims of sexual assault who were not reporting crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Keene: \u003c/strong>The sharp hearing on May 9th was. I would call it a dog and pony show. I think it was completely worthless, if I’m being honest. It was a lot of, elected officials thanking each other for trying to do the job, but failing miserably.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, ultimately, what do survivors want? I mean, I feel like the answer is accountability, I guess. But I mean, could there be criminal charges against Jon Jacobo?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Yeah. Every every survivor of sexual assault has, you know, their own priorities. And the women in this story are no different in that sense, in which each of them had a different goal for coming forward, where Sasha Perrigo said that she wanted accountability but did not want to go through the criminal justice system. The three women who came forward in my story say no.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>We would like to see him charged with crimes. I will add that the story, does end with Sasha Pago, reconsidering whether to press criminal charges. She wasn’t aware of many of the stories that these women told in in our piece. And so when she saw the totality of this, she was aware of other allegations, but nothing to the extent of what was in the story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>And so she said that she was going to have a conversation with police and, you know, decide whether or not to move forward. And if if Sasha Perrigo were to press criminal charges against John Jacomo, there is a possibility that the allegations in my story could be part of a larger, prosecutorial case.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>I mean, how does all of this ultimately affect. All of us. Josh, right? Like, even if you’re coming to this story for the first time, maybe you’re not plugged in to San Francisco politics. How does this affect the average person?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>If you don’t know these people and you don’t vote for these people? It may seem like it’s just like, oh, well, politics is gross and I move on with my day. But my hope is that anyone who reads this story maybe actually says for a second, well, if this is happening to women in power, they are advancing in their careers. And, you know, there’s no way this could happen to them because they’re the people that actually could sound the alarm.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>If it’s happening to women like that, then it’s probably happening to women all over. You know, also, if you see behavior, with someone you’re close to and, and there’s some kind of encounter that you know, of, but it’s kind of ambiguous, you know, these are the kind of things that maybe, like, we need to check ourselves and say, okay, maybe, maybe I need to be in more open ear, or I’m more helpful to my friends, family, colleagues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Well, Josh, thank you so much for joining us on the show. I really appreciate it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Josh Koehn: \u003c/strong>Thanks, Ericka.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>That was Josh Koehn, a senior reporter for the San Francisco Standard. We’ll leave you some links to Josh’s reporting on this topic in our show notes. This 45 minute conversation with Josh was cut down and edited by producer Maria Esquinca.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Ericka Cruz Guevarra: \u003c/strong>Ellie Prickett-Morgan is our intern, they scored this episode and added all the tape. Our senior editor is Alan Montecillo. Music courtesy of the Audio Network. The Bay is a production of listener supported KQED in San Francisco. I’m Ericka Cruz Guevarra. Thanks for listening. Talk to you next time.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986169/the-rising-s-f-political-star-accused-of-rape-and-abuse","authors":["8654","11649","11802","11898"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_3921","news_33812","news_196","news_22598"],"featImg":"news_11985594","label":"source_news_11986169"},"news_11986393":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986393","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986393","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"first-sf-mayoral-debate-continues-to-crumble-as-third-candidate-may-drop-out","title":"1st SF Mayoral Debate Continues to Crumble as 3rd Candidate May Drop Out","publishDate":1715810731,"format":"standard","headTitle":"1st SF Mayoral Debate Continues to Crumble as 3rd Candidate May Drop Out | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Daniel Lurie could become the third candidate to pull out of San Francisco’s first mayoral debate, saying the event’s planning has become increasingly disorganized as the group hosting it comes under scrutiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The May 20 debate was organized by political advocacy group TogetherSF Action, which faces questions over its ties to former mayor and Supervisor Mark Farrell, another candidate in November’s mayoral election. Mayor London Breed originally agreed to participate \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/mayor-breed-withdraws-from-togethersf-debate-citing-chaos-farrell-ties/\">but changed her mind on Tuesday\u003c/a>. Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin was in talks to participate but ultimately declined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Journalists who were set to serve as moderators have also been dropping out of the debate; Lurie said Wednesday morning that he had only learned “in the last few hours” that the debate’s organizers lost their third such journalist, adding that they would need to find a moderator who is independent from TogetherSF for him to participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only remaining independent journalist backed out,” Lurie said during a press conference where he announced his emergency shelter plan to address street homelessness. “If they are able to find one, I’ll be there. I’m going back to debate prep right now. I want to debate these insiders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event was planned as a blowout kickoff to the mayoral election, which will be in full swing after the June deadline for candidates to file. Roughly 1,000 people were expected to attend in person, and 2,500 RSVP’d to watch it online, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/breed-pull-out-debate-togethersf-election-19457659.php?utm_source=marketing&utm_medium=copy-url-link&utm_campaign=article-share&hash=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuc2ZjaHJvbmljbGUuY29tL3NmL2FydGljbGUvYnJlZWQtcHVsbC1vdXQtZGViYXRlLXRvZ2V0aGVyc2YtZWxlY3Rpb24tMTk0NTc2NTkucGhw&time=MTcxNTcxODg3NjkzMQ%3D%3D&rid=MWRjZmE1YTEtYTA2NS00NDM0LThhNzctNDcxNjAwOGNkODRh&sharecount=Nw%3D%3D\">according to the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. KQED Political Correspondent Marisa Lagos was a planned moderator, but she said she pulled out when it was clear not all candidates would participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Questions about the organization’s allegiances have led candidates to keep their distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and city ethics commissions have long outlined rules barring political action committees and candidates from coordinating. Importantly, groups like TogetherSF Action are permitted to raise money in unlimited amounts and spend on advertisements against or in support of candidates. Individual donations to candidates, however, are limited to $500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TogetherSF has repeatedly said it is independent. However, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/mark-farrell-consultant-texts-that-togethersf-head-is-guiding-the-ship/\">reporting from Mission Local\u003c/a> last week revealed text messages from a political consultant for Farrell to an unknown second party, in which the consultant said that TogetherSF Action CEO Kanishka Cheng is “guiding the ship” for Farrell’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng did not return requests for comment by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11986162,forum_2010101905375,news_11974740\"]Both Breed and Peskin shared concerns with KQED that Cheng would skew the debate to favor Farrell, whom she previously worked for as a legislative aide. Both Breed’s and Peskin’s campaigns said TogetherSF promised them only 20 tickets in a venue that seats 1,000, raising red flags over who would fill those other seats and whether they would be Farrell supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, the collusion between the Farrell campaign and TogetherSF’s leadership gave the impression that Mark Farrell would clearly benefit much more from participating in this debate than all the other candidates on the stage,” said Joe Arellano, Breed’s campaign spokesperson. “Our campaign was not confident that TogetherSF’s leader, an individual recently mentioned as ‘guiding the ship’ for the Farrell campaign, could be trusted to organize a fair and balanced debate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Stearns, a campaign consultant working on Peskin’s campaign, said TogetherSF staffers helped organize a small protest outside Peskin’s kickoff speech in Portsmouth Square last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“TogetherSF is a partisan organization masquerading as nonpartisan,” Stearns said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The blistering critique from two mayoral campaigns of San Francisco’s topmost officials is a reputational hit to TogetherSF, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/politics/togethersf-donors-want-to-empower-mayor-cut-commissions/article_5a108516-eb00-11ee-b303-4b939252db35.html\">a growing power player in city politics\u003c/a>. It is part of a coalition of groups created in the last few years, including GrowSF and Neighbors for a Better San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/02/explore-big-money-san-francisco-growsf-togethersf-neighbors-larsen-moritz-tan-web/\">that have collectively spent millions of dollars\u003c/a> from deep-pocketed tech donors to back moderate Democrat causes and candidates in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Daniel Lurie says he'll pull out of the mayoral debate organized by TogetherSF Action if it doesn't get an independent moderator as the group faces questions over its ties to the Mark Farrell campaign.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715813227,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":16,"wordCount":684},"headData":{"title":"1st SF Mayoral Debate Continues to Crumble as 3rd Candidate May Drop Out | KQED","description":"Daniel Lurie says he'll pull out of the mayoral debate organized by TogetherSF Action if it doesn't get an independent moderator as the group faces questions over its ties to the Mark Farrell campaign.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"1st SF Mayoral Debate Continues to Crumble as 3rd Candidate May Drop Out","datePublished":"2024-05-15T22:05:31.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-15T22:47:07.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11986393","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986393/first-sf-mayoral-debate-continues-to-crumble-as-third-candidate-may-drop-out","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Daniel Lurie could become the third candidate to pull out of San Francisco’s first mayoral debate, saying the event’s planning has become increasingly disorganized as the group hosting it comes under scrutiny.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The May 20 debate was organized by political advocacy group TogetherSF Action, which faces questions over its ties to former mayor and Supervisor Mark Farrell, another candidate in November’s mayoral election. Mayor London Breed originally agreed to participate \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/mayor-breed-withdraws-from-togethersf-debate-citing-chaos-farrell-ties/\">but changed her mind on Tuesday\u003c/a>. Board of Supervisors President Aaron Peskin was in talks to participate but ultimately declined.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Journalists who were set to serve as moderators have also been dropping out of the debate; Lurie said Wednesday morning that he had only learned “in the last few hours” that the debate’s organizers lost their third such journalist, adding that they would need to find a moderator who is independent from TogetherSF for him to participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The only remaining independent journalist backed out,” Lurie said during a press conference where he announced his emergency shelter plan to address street homelessness. “If they are able to find one, I’ll be there. I’m going back to debate prep right now. I want to debate these insiders.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The event was planned as a blowout kickoff to the mayoral election, which will be in full swing after the June deadline for candidates to file. Roughly 1,000 people were expected to attend in person, and 2,500 RSVP’d to watch it online, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfchronicle.com/sf/article/breed-pull-out-debate-togethersf-election-19457659.php?utm_source=marketing&utm_medium=copy-url-link&utm_campaign=article-share&hash=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cuc2ZjaHJvbmljbGUuY29tL3NmL2FydGljbGUvYnJlZWQtcHVsbC1vdXQtZGViYXRlLXRvZ2V0aGVyc2YtZWxlY3Rpb24tMTk0NTc2NTkucGhw&time=MTcxNTcxODg3NjkzMQ%3D%3D&rid=MWRjZmE1YTEtYTA2NS00NDM0LThhNzctNDcxNjAwOGNkODRh&sharecount=Nw%3D%3D\">according to the \u003cem>San Francisco Chronicle\u003c/em>\u003c/a>. KQED Political Correspondent Marisa Lagos was a planned moderator, but she said she pulled out when it was clear not all candidates would participate.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Questions about the organization’s allegiances have led candidates to keep their distance.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State and city ethics commissions have long outlined rules barring political action committees and candidates from coordinating. Importantly, groups like TogetherSF Action are permitted to raise money in unlimited amounts and spend on advertisements against or in support of candidates. Individual donations to candidates, however, are limited to $500.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>TogetherSF has repeatedly said it is independent. However, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/05/mark-farrell-consultant-texts-that-togethersf-head-is-guiding-the-ship/\">reporting from Mission Local\u003c/a> last week revealed text messages from a political consultant for Farrell to an unknown second party, in which the consultant said that TogetherSF Action CEO Kanishka Cheng is “guiding the ship” for Farrell’s campaign.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Cheng did not return requests for comment by press time.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11986162,forum_2010101905375,news_11974740"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Both Breed and Peskin shared concerns with KQED that Cheng would skew the debate to favor Farrell, whom she previously worked for as a legislative aide. Both Breed’s and Peskin’s campaigns said TogetherSF promised them only 20 tickets in a venue that seats 1,000, raising red flags over who would fill those other seats and whether they would be Farrell supporters.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Ultimately, the collusion between the Farrell campaign and TogetherSF’s leadership gave the impression that Mark Farrell would clearly benefit much more from participating in this debate than all the other candidates on the stage,” said Joe Arellano, Breed’s campaign spokesperson. “Our campaign was not confident that TogetherSF’s leader, an individual recently mentioned as ‘guiding the ship’ for the Farrell campaign, could be trusted to organize a fair and balanced debate.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Jim Stearns, a campaign consultant working on Peskin’s campaign, said TogetherSF staffers helped organize a small protest outside Peskin’s kickoff speech in Portsmouth Square last month.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“TogetherSF is a partisan organization masquerading as nonpartisan,” Stearns said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The blistering critique from two mayoral campaigns of San Francisco’s topmost officials is a reputational hit to TogetherSF, \u003ca href=\"https://www.sfexaminer.com/news/politics/togethersf-donors-want-to-empower-mayor-cut-commissions/article_5a108516-eb00-11ee-b303-4b939252db35.html\">a growing power player in city politics\u003c/a>. It is part of a coalition of groups created in the last few years, including GrowSF and Neighbors for a Better San Francisco, \u003ca href=\"https://missionlocal.org/2024/02/explore-big-money-san-francisco-growsf-togethersf-neighbors-larsen-moritz-tan-web/\">that have collectively spent millions of dollars\u003c/a> from deep-pocketed tech donors to back moderate Democrat causes and candidates in San Francisco.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986393/first-sf-mayoral-debate-continues-to-crumble-as-third-candidate-may-drop-out","authors":["11690"],"categories":["news_8","news_13"],"tags":["news_195","news_34055","news_6931","news_22439","news_17968","news_38","news_33242"],"featImg":"news_11986424","label":"news"},"news_11986396":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986396","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986396","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"when-bart-was-built-people-and-houses-had-to-go","title":"When BART Was Built, People — and Houses — Had to Go","publishDate":1715853627,"format":"standard","headTitle":"When BART Was Built, People — and Houses — Had to Go | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":33523,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in the early 1960s, when BART was just a sketch on a map, planners with the young transit agency had a task in front of them. BART had to acquire around 2,200 parcels of land in order to build the transportation system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Exactly how the agency went about getting that land was something that always puzzled Janine Dictor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For her, the question was also personal. Growing up, her family would tell stories about an amazing house her great-grandparents used to own in North Oakland, at 59th, and what is now Martin Luther King Jr. Way (it was called Grove Street back then). But the stories always ended with how they had to sell their home to BART.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriouspodcastinfo]“There was always a sad tone to the story as if they didn’t have control over it,” Dictor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dictor’s great-grandparents, Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo, loved that house. They were both immigrants from Italy, and they kept the house full of family, friends and good food. Vito tended a bountiful garden in the backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandmother loved to cook in the basement,” said Johanne Dictor, Janine’s mother. “She had this great kitchen downstairs where she made her ravioli; she made her sausages with her women friends.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a happy time, but it didn’t last. By the time Johanne was a teenager in the early ‘60s, one topic started to dominate their family dinners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember we’d be sitting at the table and they’d say, ‘They’re going to take my house, they say we have to sell it. And we have to leave everything here.’ And you know, they just were devastated,” said Johanne about her grandparents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the Campilongos sold their house to BART and moved to San Leandro. Her grandfather planted a new garden, but he felt it was never as big or as beautiful as the one in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’d sit on the porch in San Leandro looking so sad,” remembers Johanne.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this history left Janine wondering how exactly the sale of her great-grandparents’ house went down. So she asked KQED’s Bay Curious to look into how much property BART acquired at the time of its inception and whether any homeowners challenged the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There must be a pretty robust story behind all of this, and it’s just odd that we never have known quite what it is,” Janine said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1384px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2024/05/16/when-bart-was-built-people-and-houses-had-to-go/vito_elizabeth_family/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11986429\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986429\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family.png\" alt=\"An old black-and-white photo of a family in their living room\" width=\"1384\" height=\"1020\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family.png 1384w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family-800x590.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family-1020x752.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family-160x118.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1384px) 100vw, 1384px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo (center) left their North Oakland home in the 1960s to make room for a BART line. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Campilongo family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>And so BART begins\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like much of the country in the early 1950s, the Bay Area was in a post-war building boom. New houses were going up all over the region, in places like Concord and Fremont. City planners had to figure out how folks would get around and travel between all these developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers began \u003ca href=\"https://www.foundsf.org/index.php?title=San_Francisco_Bay_Area_Rapid_Transit_Commission%E2%80%94The_Beginnings\">mapping out\u003c/a> a regional transportation system to connect the suburbs to the economic hubs of Oakland and San Francisco. In 1957, they passed a bill creating the Bay Area Rapid Transit District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But BART needed land, including in residential areas where property was already owned and inhabited by people. As an entity charged with building public infrastructure, BART was given the power of eminent domain, a legal tool that helped it acquire the needed property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Radhika Rao, a professor at UC San Francisco College of the Law, eminent domain allows the government to take people’s property “even if they don’t consent,” as long as it pays them fair market value for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eminent domain is an important tool for governments, said Rao, because infrastructure projects like hospitals, public schools, highways, parks and train tracks might never be built without it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because you could have one private property owner who says, ‘My house stands in the way, you can’t build a highway,’ and then we have no highway. So our infrastructure depends upon government having this power,” Rao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Rao says, historically, the use of eminent domain in California has disproportionately affected low-income people and communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Radhika Rao, UC San Francisco College of Law\"]‘That just makes economic sense, right? Why would government situate your infrastructure in a place where you have to pay more?’[/pullquote]One reason, she said, is that government agencies often use eminent domain in areas with lower property values since it costs them less to acquire that property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That just makes economic sense, right? Why would government situate your infrastructure in a place where you have to pay more?” Rao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another reason for the disproportionate impact, suggests Rao, is that government officials choose to develop areas where residents are less likely to organize against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who has the money to hire a lawyer and go to court saying, ‘the compensation that you’re offering me is not fair market value?’ Rao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>West Oakland residents displaced\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the places in the Bay Area hit hardest by eminent domain projects — including, but not limited to, BART construction — was West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maxine Willis Ussery was born in Shreveport, Louisiana in 1939, but her family moved to West Oakland when she was just a few years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was a girl, Seventh Street and all of West Oakland was predominantly Black, owned by Black people. Beautiful old Victorians were there,” Willis Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family, like many Black families at the time, had come from the South in search of work and a better life. Her mother and father made the journey from Louisiana and settled in West Oakland. They found jobs at the nearby Naval shipyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They had no problems understanding that they had to develop their own businesses, their own services because that’s how they lived in the South,” Willis Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says the West Oakland community had everything they needed: drug stores, groceries, restaurants, churches, doctors, and lawyers. But starting in the 1950s, successive government infrastructure projects ripped apart the fabric of this community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, government agencies demolished homes and businesses for the Nimitz Freeway (Interstate 880) in the 1950s. Then, in the following decades, they cleared more buildings to make way for the Oakland Main Post Office and the Acorn housing projects. And then, \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/232778\">there was BART\u003c/a>. The Oakland Planning Department estimates that between 5,100 and 9,700 housing units were lost in West Oakland in the 1960s alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like a dispersement of a whole community, not just taking the buildings, it was taking people who had lived there. Teachers, athletes, all of them were displaced,” Willis Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effect on the community was disastrous, she said, especially for the older folks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were up in age, and they were moved into areas where they could afford to go with the money they were given for BART, which was not a lot,” Willis Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED analysis of the 1960 census reveals that the West Oakland census tracts hardest hit by eminent domain were where people of color lived — in some areas, as many as 95% of the residents were Black. Annual incomes in the development zones were also far lower than the city average. The neighborhood in North Oakland where the Campilongos lived had a higher median income but was also predominantly Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986231\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/240514-eminentdomain-25-bl-kqed/\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986231\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A BART train above two streets intersecting\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A BART train runs along the tracks at 59th Street and Martin Luther King Jr Way in Oakland on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Berkeley residents resist BART plans\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some East Bay residents, such as Mable Howard of Berkeley, successfully altered BART’s path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard argued that BART’s plan to construct raised tracks through part of the city would further divide it along racial lines. Her legal challenge was highlighted in the documentary “\u003ca href=\"https://video.kqed.org/video/welcome-to-the-neighborhood-truly-ca-zag6fb/\">Welcome to the Neighborhood\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the documentary explains, in 1966, Berkeley voters approved a tax that would pay to put BART completely underground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But BART proposed a design for the Ashby station that was slightly above ground. Howard felt that the design would further segregate the city. She teamed up with the late East Bay politician Ron Dellums, then a city council member, to successfully sue the agency to underground all their Berkeley infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We won the case. How do we know we won the case? Go to Berkeley. You’ll see the whole thing’s underground,” said attorney Matthew Weinberg in the film.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>BART spokesperson: ‘Lessons learned’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>These days, it is hard to imagine a Bay Area without BART. People from all over the Bay Area make millions of trips on it every month. Even the aerial tracks that tower over Martin Luther King Jr. Way, where the Campilongo house used to stand, seem to blend into the background of freeways and buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART’s Chief Communications Officer Alicia Trost says it’s still important for the agency to acknowledge the past harms that the agency committed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a lot of generational wealth that was deeply impacted, if not destroyed, because of the building of the BART system,” Trost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART now has an Office of Civil Rights and other equity initiatives that Trost says are critical to rebuilding trust with the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Alicia Trost, BART\"]‘There was a lot of generational wealth that was deeply impacted if not destroyed because of the building of the BART system.’[/pullquote]“Especially when we’re building on our land, we want to make sure there’s a carve-out specifically for affordable housing and that we are in a daily conversation with the community to make sure what we’re building is something that they want,” Trost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the agency imagines future development, like building a possible second transbay tube between San Francisco and Oakland, she says they’re also developing plans to prevent the displacement of residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trost said the uprooting of residents to create BART in the 1960s provided “lessons learned,” and mistakes that shouldn’t be repeated were made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State leaders are also looking at the long-term impact that eminent domain property transfers have had on families and communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California State Senator Steven Bradford, a member of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">Reparations Task Force\u003c/a>, introduced a bill in February that would compensate former property owners if their parcel was taken through eminent domain, but they didn’t receive just compensation due to racism or discrimination by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The price the Campilongos paid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986413\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2024/05/16/when-bart-was-built-people-and-houses-had-to-go/campilongo_contract_page_01/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11986413\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11986413\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-800x1032.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1032\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-800x1032.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-1020x1316.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-160x206.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-1190x1536.jpg 1190w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-1587x2048.jpg 1587w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01.jpg 1701w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The contract the Campilongos signed with BART.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A public records request submitted by KQED reveals that the Bay Area Rapid Transit District paid Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo $25,000 for their property in North Oakland on Sept. 2, 1965. Adjusted for inflation, that’s about $245,000 today. These days, homes go for around $1 million in that neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janine and Johanne Dictor were excited to see the contract their relatives signed with BART, the physical evidence of their family history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doesn’t that look like Nana’s handwriting?” Janine asked her mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after the initial excitement, the mood turned somber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about a lot more than what they were compensated,” Janine said. “It’s about the fact that they were forced into this, that they lost a lifestyle, that they lost a community,”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The premise of using eminent domain is that individual sacrifices are warranted to build public infrastructure. However, for families like the Dictors, the construction of BART was a painful turn in their history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After we lost that house, we lost the sense of our family in a way. It was kind of driven apart,” her mom, Johanne, added. “That house really brought us together.”\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nSpecial thanks to Pam Uzzell for providing parts of her documentary “Welcome to the Neighborhood” and to KQED’s Dan Brekke for reporting support and data analysis. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[baycuriousquestion]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of BART\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Johanne Dictor points at the grassy median dividing the six lanes of Martin Luther King Junior Way in North Oakland. An elevated BART track towers overhead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> I guess my grandmother’s house was right here on the, the tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Johanne’s grandparents, Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo were immigrants from Italy. They loved their home on what was then 59th and Grove street in Oakland … Grove is Martin Luther King Jr Way these days. They kept the house full of family, friends and, as is the Italian way … good food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> So she, she had this great kitchen downstairs where she made her ravioli. She made her sausages with her women friends. They’d come over, and all day, they’d make sausages down there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And Vito grew food in the backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janine Dictor: Ah, garden, this master gardener with this beautiful, extensive garden that he used to cook these delicious Italian meals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> This was a happy time. But it didn’t last. By the time Johanne was a teenager in the early ’60s, one topic started to dominate their family dinners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> I remember, you know, be sitting at the table and they’d say, you know, they’re, they’re gonna take my house, they say we have to sell it. And we have to leave everything here, and you know, they just were devastated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Ultimately, the Campilongos sold their house to BART and moved to San Leandro. Her grandfather planted a new garden, but it was never as big or as beautiful as the one in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> He’d sit on the porch like in San Leandro looking so sad, you know, (cries)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Johanne’s daughter, Janine, grew up with this family story. But she has always thought it was odd that they didn’t know more about how it all went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> How many properties were acquired? Did anybody challenge, you know, Bart’s ability to acquire their property? What was the outcome of that? Um, yeah, just there seems like there must, there must be a pretty robust story behind all of this. And it’s just odd that we never have known what, quite what it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> I’m Olivia Allen Price, and today on Bay Curious the story of how families like the Campilongos were uprooted to make way for BART. Theirs is a common story — people have been displaced for large infrastructure projects time and time again all across the United States. And it’s still happening today. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area Rapid Transit…better known as BART…is a fixture of life in the Bay Area today. But many families and businesses were displaced to build it. KQED reporter Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman is going to help us understand how it all went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In the early ’50s, the Bay Area, like much of the country, was in a post-war building boom. New houses were going up all over the region in places like Concord and Fremont. And a big question was how folks would get around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of BART promo reel\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> State lawmakers began planning for a regional transportation system to connect the suburbs to the economic hubs of Oakland and San Francisco. There was a lot of excitement … which you can hear in this promotional video for BART.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>BART promo reel:\u003c/strong>…To do this by weaving into the fabric of the Bay Area an entirely new and vastly better way of getting around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In 1962, voters in Alameda, Contra Costa, and San Francisco counties approved a nearly 800 million dollar bond to build the new tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>BART promo reel:\u003c/strong>… Locations of lines and stations was the first step in the long planning process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: But BART needed land, including in residential areas where property was already owned and inhabited by people. The Campilongos neighborhood in North Oakland was one of those areas; another was West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: When I was a girl, there were… So 7th Street and all of West Oakland was predominantly black, owned by black people. Beautiful old Victorians were there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Maxine Ussery was born in Oakland in 1939. Her family, like many Black families at the time, had come from the South in search of work and a better life. Maxine’s mother and father made the journey from Louisiana and settled in West Oakland. They found jobs at the nearby Naval Shipyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: They had no problems understanding that they had to, in fact, develop their own businesses, their own services, because that’s how they lived in the South.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: She says the West Oakland community had everything they needed…drug stores, groceries, restaurants, churches, doctors and lawyers. But starting in the 1950s, successive government infrastructure projects ripped apart the fabric of this community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: They forced people to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Government agencies demolished homes and businesses for the Nimitz Freeway in the ’50s. Then, in the following decades, they cleared more buildings to make way for Oakland’s Main Post Office and the Acorn housing projects. And then, there was BART. The Oakland Planning Department estimates that upwards of 5,000 units of housing were destroyed in West Oakland in the 1960s alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: It was like a disbursement of a, of a whole group of a whole community, not just, uh, taking the buildings, it was taking people and who had lived there and who, uh, uh, teachers, um, uh, uh, educate, you know, people who were athletes, all of them were displaced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Maxine says the effect on the community was disastrous, especially for the older folks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: They were up in age, and they were moved into areas where they, that where they could afford to go with the money they were given for BART, which was not a lot. It wasn’t enough money for them to live on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Many of the infrastructure projects in West Oakland that Maxine talks about were only possible because of a legal tool known as eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: So that’s the part of the Constitution that gives government the power to come along and take people’s private property even if they don’t consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Radhika Rao is a professor of Law at UC San Francisco College of the Law. Eminent domain allows public agencies to buy private property at “fair market value” in order to build infrastructure that is in the public interest. Think hospitals, Public Schools, Highways, Parks, and train tracks. Radhika says without it, infrastructure projects like these might never get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: Because you could have one private property owner who says, my house stands in the way; you can’t build a highway. And then we have no highway. So, our infrastructure depends upon government having this power. It’s, it’s super important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: But Rhadika says government agencies often target areas with lower property values because they cost less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: Of course! That’s, that just makes economic sense, right? Why would government situate your infrastructure in a place where you have to pay more?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> And the government has a long history of undervaluing properties where people of color and low-income people live and work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: And then there are also political reasons, you know, which communities have power, um, and which communities don’t, to organize against this kind of action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: The 1960 census reveals the parts of West Oakland hit hardest by eminent domain projects were highly segregated … as much as 95% Black … with annual incomes far lower than the city average. The neighborhood in North Oakland that the Campilongos lived in had a higher median income but was also predominantly Black. Rhadika says these communities were vulnerable to eminent domain action and less likely to fight back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: Who has the money to hire a lawyer and go to court saying this, the compensation that you’re offering me is not just compensation? It’s not fair market value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> BART records show that the agency acquired approximately 2,200 properties in order to build its first 75 miles of track. Some people sold their parcels to BART willingly, but others had to be evicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Clip of news report: \u003c/strong>This is Seventh Street on Oakland’s west side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In this KPIX news report from 1967, BART staff are evicting an elderly Black woman named Leitha Blick from the thrift store she owns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News report:\u003c/strong> An admittedly blighted area, directly in the path of proposed Bay Area Rapid Transit District construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> That word — blighted — is important. It’s a term that was used by urban redevelopment agencies throughout the country — including in Oakland — to describe neighborhoods that were seen as deteriorating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News report:\u003c/strong> Most of the homes and businesses in this area will have to be destroyed to make room for progress, and the push of progress is not always gentle. Angry and confused, many of the residents say they can’t buy new homes with the market value prices given them for the ones they now live in. Business people face the same dilemma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In the news clip, Blick stands by with her arms crossed as workers pack her things into boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News report footage:\u003c/strong> Miss Blick, had you and the Bay Area Rapid Transit District reached any agreement before this happened?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Blick:\u003c/strong> No.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>News reporter:\u003c/strong> Why?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Blick:\u003c/strong> Because, uh, the price wasn’t satisfactory.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>News reporter:\u003c/strong> You didn’t think they were offering you enough money for your merchandise?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Blick:\u003c/strong> That’s correct. Moving us out, and we had no place to go, and I didn’t think they were offering enough, no way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> Blick tried to stop BART from taking her property…but ultimately lost. But there are some examples of people successfully altering BART’s plan.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDocumentary footage:\u003c/strong> Berkeley was basically a segregated city. So, the whole of South Berkeley was pretty much a black neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman: \u003c/strong>Pam Uzzell’s documentary “Welcome to the Neighborhood” chronicles one effort in Berkeley. It profiles Mable Howard, who argued that BART’s plan to put raised tracks through part of the city would divide it along racial lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Documentary footage: \u003c/strong>A woman who said, I won’t have The city of Berkeley, divided in half, there won’t be any other side of the tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In 1966, Berkeley voters approved a tax that would pay to put BART completely underground in Berkeley. But BART proposed a design for Ashby station that was slightly above ground. So Mable Howard teamed up with Ron Dellums, then a city council member, to sue the agency. Here’s a lawyer on the case, Matthew Weinberg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matthew Weinberg:\u003c/strong> We won the case. How do we know we won the case? Go to Berkeley. You’ll see the whole thing’s underground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman: \u003c/strong>BART acknowledges this legacy of displacement and struggle. Here’s Chief Communications Officer Alicia Trost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alicia Trost: \u003c/strong>There was a lot of generational wealth that was deeply impacted, if not destroyed, because of the building of the BART system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> BART now has an office of civil rights, and other equity initiatives that Trost says are critical to rebuilding trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alicia Trost:\u003c/strong> And especially when we’re building on our land, uh, we want to make sure there’s a carve-out specifically for affordable housing and that we are in a daily conversation with the community to make sure what we’re building is something that they want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> As the agency imagines building a possible second transbay tube, Trost says they’re also developing anti-displacement goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alicia Trost:\u003c/strong> Which, if that’s not lessons learned, you know, I don’t know what is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> I’ve gone through multiple public records requests and dozens of deeds, right-of-way contracts, and insurance policies for this story. At the end of it all, I paid another visit to Janine, our question-asker, and her mom, Johanne. I had something for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman, talking to the Dictors:\u003c/strong> I actually found the contract that your grandparents signed with Bart, so here it is. And so this, you can see, like it says right-of-way contract, and it has your grandparents’ names on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Oh, is that all they, so it was just 25,000. Is that right? Oh my God. Oh my gosh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman talking to the Dictors:\u003c/strong> We’re looking at the original contract between Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo and the Bay Area Rapid Transportation District, dated Sept. 2, 1965.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> And it looks like my grandmother’s handwriting, too, actually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Oh, it does?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> It shows the Campilongos agreed to sell their property for $25,000. Adjusted for inflation, that’s about 245,000 dollars today. These days, homes go for around a million in that neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> Doesn’t it look like Nana’s?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Not really.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor: \u003c/strong>That floral?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Yeah, a little bit, but hers was, yeah, she had a good penmanship, Nana. Yeah,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> Janine and Johanne are excited to see the physical evidence of their family history. But after the initial excitement, the mood is somber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> Going through this process, it’s like you realize it’s like about a lot more than what they were compensated, right? It’s about the fact that they were forced into this, that they lost a lifestyle, that they lost a community, you know. So, even if they got a good price, it’s kind of like, there’s still something to mourn there right about their experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> The word progress comes up a lot when talking about these kinds of projects. The idea is that progress, the greater good, justifies the sacrifice some families have to make. But for families like the Dictors, progress could feel like a step in the wrong direction. Here’s Johanne.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor: \u003c/strong>After we lost that house, we lost the sense of our family in a way, it seemed like. It was kind of driven apart. Because that house really brought us together. More than the house in San Leandro, you know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> Public infrastructure is often seen as a kind of equalizer … it’s something we all pay for and that anyone can use. But the fact is … some people had to pay more than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> That was KQED reporter Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman.The use of eminent domain led to the displacement in some of the stories we explored today. It was often used to displace communities of color to make way for various infrastructure projects around the state. As part of its reparations efforts, California is now considering a bill that would compensate people if they can prove racism or discrimination prevented them from getting just compensation. To learn more about California’s reparations efforts, check out KQED’s coverage at KQED dot org slash reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Special Thanks to Pam Uzzell for allowing us to use clips from her documentary “Welcome to the Neighborhood” in this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>This episode was edited by Katrina Schwartz.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Produced by Olivia Allen-Price.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Tamuna Chkareuli:\u003c/strong> Tamuna Chkareuli\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/strong> Pauline Bartolone\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Christopher Beale:\u003c/strong> And Christopher Beale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We get additional support from:\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Jen Chien:\u003c/strong> Jen Chien\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Katie Sprenger:\u003c/strong> Katie Sprenger\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Cesar Saldaña:\u003c/strong> Cesar Saldaña\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Maha Sanad:\u003c/strong> Maha Sanad\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Xorje Olivares:\u003c/strong> Xorje Olivares:\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And the whole KQED family. Have a great week, everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Building the BART system in the 1960s required thousands of parcels of land. Decades later, memories of the homes and communities that were destroyed remain strong","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715886398,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":true,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":141,"wordCount":4872},"headData":{"title":"When BART Was Built, People — and Houses — Had to Go | KQED","description":"Building the BART system in the 1960s required thousands of parcels of land. Decades later, memories of the homes and communities that were destroyed remain strong","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"When BART Was Built, People — and Houses — Had to Go","datePublished":"2024-05-16T10:00:27.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-16T19:06:38.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/pdst.fm/e/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC5722041302.mp3?updated=1715818705","sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11986396","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986396/when-bart-was-built-people-and-houses-had-to-go","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003ca href=\"#episode-transcript\">View the full episode transcript.\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Back in the early 1960s, when BART was just a sketch on a map, planners with the young transit agency had a task in front of them. BART had to acquire around 2,200 parcels of land in order to build the transportation system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Exactly how the agency went about getting that land was something that always puzzled Janine Dictor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For her, the question was also personal. Growing up, her family would tell stories about an amazing house her great-grandparents used to own in North Oakland, at 59th, and what is now Martin Luther King Jr. Way (it was called Grove Street back then). But the stories always ended with how they had to sell their home to BART.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003caside class=\"alignleft utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__bayCuriousPodcastShortcode__bayCurious\">\u003cimg src=https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/bayCuriousLogo.png alt=\"Bay Curious Podcast\" loading=\"lazy\" />\n \u003ca href=\"/news/series/baycurious\">Bay Curious\u003c/a> is a podcast that answers your questions about the Bay Area.\n Subscribe on \u003ca href=\"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">Apple Podcasts\u003c/a>,\n \u003ca href=\"http://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\">NPR One\u003c/a> or your favorite podcast platform.\u003c/aside>\u003c/p>\u003cp>“There was always a sad tone to the story as if they didn’t have control over it,” Dictor said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Dictor’s great-grandparents, Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo, loved that house. They were both immigrants from Italy, and they kept the house full of family, friends and good food. Vito tended a bountiful garden in the backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“My grandmother loved to cook in the basement,” said Johanne Dictor, Janine’s mother. “She had this great kitchen downstairs where she made her ravioli; she made her sausages with her women friends.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It was a happy time, but it didn’t last. By the time Johanne was a teenager in the early ‘60s, one topic started to dominate their family dinners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I remember we’d be sitting at the table and they’d say, ‘They’re going to take my house, they say we have to sell it. And we have to leave everything here.’ And you know, they just were devastated,” said Johanne about her grandparents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ultimately, the Campilongos sold their house to BART and moved to San Leandro. Her grandfather planted a new garden, but he felt it was never as big or as beautiful as the one in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He’d sit on the porch in San Leandro looking so sad,” remembers Johanne.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>All this history left Janine wondering how exactly the sale of her great-grandparents’ house went down. So she asked KQED’s Bay Curious to look into how much property BART acquired at the time of its inception and whether any homeowners challenged the agency.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There must be a pretty robust story behind all of this, and it’s just odd that we never have known quite what it is,” Janine said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986429\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1384px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2024/05/16/when-bart-was-built-people-and-houses-had-to-go/vito_elizabeth_family/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11986429\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986429\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family.png\" alt=\"An old black-and-white photo of a family in their living room\" width=\"1384\" height=\"1020\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family.png 1384w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family-800x590.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family-1020x752.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Vito_Elizabeth_family-160x118.png 160w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1384px) 100vw, 1384px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo (center) left their North Oakland home in the 1960s to make room for a BART line. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of the Campilongo family)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>And so BART begins\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Like much of the country in the early 1950s, the Bay Area was in a post-war building boom. New houses were going up all over the region, in places like Concord and Fremont. City planners had to figure out how folks would get around and travel between all these developments.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State lawmakers began \u003ca href=\"https://www.foundsf.org/index.php?title=San_Francisco_Bay_Area_Rapid_Transit_Commission%E2%80%94The_Beginnings\">mapping out\u003c/a> a regional transportation system to connect the suburbs to the economic hubs of Oakland and San Francisco. In 1957, they passed a bill creating the Bay Area Rapid Transit District.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But BART needed land, including in residential areas where property was already owned and inhabited by people. As an entity charged with building public infrastructure, BART was given the power of eminent domain, a legal tool that helped it acquire the needed property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>According to Radhika Rao, a professor at UC San Francisco College of the Law, eminent domain allows the government to take people’s property “even if they don’t consent,” as long as it pays them fair market value for it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Eminent domain is an important tool for governments, said Rao, because infrastructure projects like hospitals, public schools, highways, parks and train tracks might never be built without it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Because you could have one private property owner who says, ‘My house stands in the way, you can’t build a highway,’ and then we have no highway. So our infrastructure depends upon government having this power,” Rao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Rao says, historically, the use of eminent domain in California has disproportionately affected low-income people and communities of color.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘That just makes economic sense, right? Why would government situate your infrastructure in a place where you have to pay more?’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Radhika Rao, UC San Francisco College of Law","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>One reason, she said, is that government agencies often use eminent domain in areas with lower property values since it costs them less to acquire that property.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“That just makes economic sense, right? Why would government situate your infrastructure in a place where you have to pay more?” Rao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Another reason for the disproportionate impact, suggests Rao, is that government officials choose to develop areas where residents are less likely to organize against them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Who has the money to hire a lawyer and go to court saying, ‘the compensation that you’re offering me is not fair market value?’ Rao said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>West Oakland residents displaced\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>One of the places in the Bay Area hit hardest by eminent domain projects — including, but not limited to, BART construction — was West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Maxine Willis Ussery was born in Shreveport, Louisiana in 1939, but her family moved to West Oakland when she was just a few years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When I was a girl, Seventh Street and all of West Oakland was predominantly Black, owned by Black people. Beautiful old Victorians were there,” Willis Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Her family, like many Black families at the time, had come from the South in search of work and a better life. Her mother and father made the journey from Louisiana and settled in West Oakland. They found jobs at the nearby Naval shipyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They had no problems understanding that they had to develop their own businesses, their own services because that’s how they lived in the South,” Willis Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>She says the West Oakland community had everything they needed: drug stores, groceries, restaurants, churches, doctors, and lawyers. But starting in the 1950s, successive government infrastructure projects ripped apart the fabric of this community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, government agencies demolished homes and businesses for the Nimitz Freeway (Interstate 880) in the 1950s. Then, in the following decades, they cleared more buildings to make way for the Oakland Main Post Office and the Acorn housing projects. And then, \u003ca href=\"https://diva.sfsu.edu/collections/sfbatv/bundles/232778\">there was BART\u003c/a>. The Oakland Planning Department estimates that between 5,100 and 9,700 housing units were lost in West Oakland in the 1960s alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It was like a dispersement of a whole community, not just taking the buildings, it was taking people who had lived there. Teachers, athletes, all of them were displaced,” Willis Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The effect on the community was disastrous, she said, especially for the older folks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They were up in age, and they were moved into areas where they could afford to go with the money they were given for BART, which was not a lot,” Willis Ussery said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A KQED analysis of the 1960 census reveals that the West Oakland census tracts hardest hit by eminent domain were where people of color lived — in some areas, as many as 95% of the residents were Black. Annual incomes in the development zones were also far lower than the city average. The neighborhood in North Oakland where the Campilongos lived had a higher median income but was also predominantly Black.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986231\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/240514-eminentdomain-25-bl-kqed/\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986231\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A BART train above two streets intersecting\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/240514-EMINENTDOMAIN-25-BL-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A BART train runs along the tracks at 59th Street and Martin Luther King Jr Way in Oakland on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003ch2>Berkeley residents resist BART plans\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Some East Bay residents, such as Mable Howard of Berkeley, successfully altered BART’s path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Howard argued that BART’s plan to construct raised tracks through part of the city would further divide it along racial lines. Her legal challenge was highlighted in the documentary “\u003ca href=\"https://video.kqed.org/video/welcome-to-the-neighborhood-truly-ca-zag6fb/\">Welcome to the Neighborhood\u003c/a>.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the documentary explains, in 1966, Berkeley voters approved a tax that would pay to put BART completely underground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But BART proposed a design for the Ashby station that was slightly above ground. Howard felt that the design would further segregate the city. She teamed up with the late East Bay politician Ron Dellums, then a city council member, to successfully sue the agency to underground all their Berkeley infrastructure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We won the case. How do we know we won the case? Go to Berkeley. You’ll see the whole thing’s underground,” said attorney Matthew Weinberg in the film.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>BART spokesperson: ‘Lessons learned’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>These days, it is hard to imagine a Bay Area without BART. People from all over the Bay Area make millions of trips on it every month. Even the aerial tracks that tower over Martin Luther King Jr. Way, where the Campilongo house used to stand, seem to blend into the background of freeways and buildings.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART’s Chief Communications Officer Alicia Trost says it’s still important for the agency to acknowledge the past harms that the agency committed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a lot of generational wealth that was deeply impacted, if not destroyed, because of the building of the BART system,” Trost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>BART now has an Office of Civil Rights and other equity initiatives that Trost says are critical to rebuilding trust with the community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘There was a lot of generational wealth that was deeply impacted if not destroyed because of the building of the BART system.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Alicia Trost, BART","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“Especially when we’re building on our land, we want to make sure there’s a carve-out specifically for affordable housing and that we are in a daily conversation with the community to make sure what we’re building is something that they want,” Trost said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the agency imagines future development, like building a possible second transbay tube between San Francisco and Oakland, she says they’re also developing plans to prevent the displacement of residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Trost said the uprooting of residents to create BART in the 1960s provided “lessons learned,” and mistakes that shouldn’t be repeated were made.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>State leaders are also looking at the long-term impact that eminent domain property transfers have had on families and communities.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California State Senator Steven Bradford, a member of California’s \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/reparations\">Reparations Task Force\u003c/a>, introduced a bill in February that would compensate former property owners if their parcel was taken through eminent domain, but they didn’t receive just compensation due to racism or discrimination by the government.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>The price the Campilongos paid\u003c/h2>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986413\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003ca href=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/2024/05/16/when-bart-was-built-people-and-houses-had-to-go/campilongo_contract_page_01/\" rel=\"attachment wp-att-11986413\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11986413\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-800x1032.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"800\" height=\"1032\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-800x1032.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-1020x1316.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-160x206.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-1190x1536.jpg 1190w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01-1587x2048.jpg 1587w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/Campilongo_contract_Page_01.jpg 1701w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The contract the Campilongos signed with BART.\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>A public records request submitted by KQED reveals that the Bay Area Rapid Transit District paid Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo $25,000 for their property in North Oakland on Sept. 2, 1965. Adjusted for inflation, that’s about $245,000 today. These days, homes go for around $1 million in that neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janine and Johanne Dictor were excited to see the contract their relatives signed with BART, the physical evidence of their family history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Doesn’t that look like Nana’s handwriting?” Janine asked her mom.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But after the initial excitement, the mood turned somber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s about a lot more than what they were compensated,” Janine said. “It’s about the fact that they were forced into this, that they lost a lifestyle, that they lost a community,”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The premise of using eminent domain is that individual sacrifices are warranted to build public infrastructure. However, for families like the Dictors, the construction of BART was a painful turn in their history.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“After we lost that house, we lost the sense of our family in a way. It was kind of driven apart,” her mom, Johanne, added. “That house really brought us together.”\u003cbr>\n\u003cem>\u003cbr>\nSpecial thanks to Pam Uzzell for providing parts of her documentary “Welcome to the Neighborhood” and to KQED’s Dan Brekke for reporting support and data analysis. \u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"baycuriousquestion","attributes":{"named":{"label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 id=\"episode-transcript\">Episode Transcript\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of BART\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Johanne Dictor points at the grassy median dividing the six lanes of Martin Luther King Junior Way in North Oakland. An elevated BART track towers overhead.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> I guess my grandmother’s house was right here on the, the tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Johanne’s grandparents, Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo were immigrants from Italy. They loved their home on what was then 59th and Grove street in Oakland … Grove is Martin Luther King Jr Way these days. They kept the house full of family, friends and, as is the Italian way … good food.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> So she, she had this great kitchen downstairs where she made her ravioli. She made her sausages with her women friends. They’d come over, and all day, they’d make sausages down there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And Vito grew food in the backyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Janine Dictor: Ah, garden, this master gardener with this beautiful, extensive garden that he used to cook these delicious Italian meals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> This was a happy time. But it didn’t last. By the time Johanne was a teenager in the early ’60s, one topic started to dominate their family dinners.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> I remember, you know, be sitting at the table and they’d say, you know, they’re, they’re gonna take my house, they say we have to sell it. And we have to leave everything here, and you know, they just were devastated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Ultimately, the Campilongos sold their house to BART and moved to San Leandro. Her grandfather planted a new garden, but it was never as big or as beautiful as the one in Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> He’d sit on the porch like in San Leandro looking so sad, you know, (cries)\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Johanne’s daughter, Janine, grew up with this family story. But she has always thought it was odd that they didn’t know more about how it all went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> How many properties were acquired? Did anybody challenge, you know, Bart’s ability to acquire their property? What was the outcome of that? Um, yeah, just there seems like there must, there must be a pretty robust story behind all of this. And it’s just odd that we never have known what, quite what it is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> I’m Olivia Allen Price, and today on Bay Curious the story of how families like the Campilongos were uprooted to make way for BART. Theirs is a common story — people have been displaced for large infrastructure projects time and time again all across the United States. And it’s still happening today. Stay with us.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bay Area Rapid Transit…better known as BART…is a fixture of life in the Bay Area today. But many families and businesses were displaced to build it. KQED reporter Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman is going to help us understand how it all went down.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In the early ’50s, the Bay Area, like much of the country, was in a post-war building boom. New houses were going up all over the region in places like Concord and Fremont. And a big question was how folks would get around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Sounds of BART promo reel\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> State lawmakers began planning for a regional transportation system to connect the suburbs to the economic hubs of Oakland and San Francisco. There was a lot of excitement … which you can hear in this promotional video for BART.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>BART promo reel:\u003c/strong>…To do this by weaving into the fabric of the Bay Area an entirely new and vastly better way of getting around.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In 1962, voters in Alameda, Contra Costa, and San Francisco counties approved a nearly 800 million dollar bond to build the new tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>BART promo reel:\u003c/strong>… Locations of lines and stations was the first step in the long planning process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: But BART needed land, including in residential areas where property was already owned and inhabited by people. The Campilongos neighborhood in North Oakland was one of those areas; another was West Oakland.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: When I was a girl, there were… So 7th Street and all of West Oakland was predominantly black, owned by black people. Beautiful old Victorians were there.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Maxine Ussery was born in Oakland in 1939. Her family, like many Black families at the time, had come from the South in search of work and a better life. Maxine’s mother and father made the journey from Louisiana and settled in West Oakland. They found jobs at the nearby Naval Shipyard.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: They had no problems understanding that they had to, in fact, develop their own businesses, their own services, because that’s how they lived in the South.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: She says the West Oakland community had everything they needed…drug stores, groceries, restaurants, churches, doctors and lawyers. But starting in the 1950s, successive government infrastructure projects ripped apart the fabric of this community.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: They forced people to move.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Government agencies demolished homes and businesses for the Nimitz Freeway in the ’50s. Then, in the following decades, they cleared more buildings to make way for Oakland’s Main Post Office and the Acorn housing projects. And then, there was BART. The Oakland Planning Department estimates that upwards of 5,000 units of housing were destroyed in West Oakland in the 1960s alone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: It was like a disbursement of a, of a whole group of a whole community, not just, uh, taking the buildings, it was taking people and who had lived there and who, uh, uh, teachers, um, uh, uh, educate, you know, people who were athletes, all of them were displaced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Maxine says the effect on the community was disastrous, especially for the older folks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Maxine Ussery\u003c/strong>: They were up in age, and they were moved into areas where they, that where they could afford to go with the money they were given for BART, which was not a lot. It wasn’t enough money for them to live on.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Many of the infrastructure projects in West Oakland that Maxine talks about were only possible because of a legal tool known as eminent domain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: So that’s the part of the Constitution that gives government the power to come along and take people’s private property even if they don’t consent.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: Radhika Rao is a professor of Law at UC San Francisco College of the Law. Eminent domain allows public agencies to buy private property at “fair market value” in order to build infrastructure that is in the public interest. Think hospitals, Public Schools, Highways, Parks, and train tracks. Radhika says without it, infrastructure projects like these might never get built.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: Because you could have one private property owner who says, my house stands in the way; you can’t build a highway. And then we have no highway. So, our infrastructure depends upon government having this power. It’s, it’s super important.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: But Rhadika says government agencies often target areas with lower property values because they cost less.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: Of course! That’s, that just makes economic sense, right? Why would government situate your infrastructure in a place where you have to pay more?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> And the government has a long history of undervaluing properties where people of color and low-income people live and work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: And then there are also political reasons, you know, which communities have power, um, and which communities don’t, to organize against this kind of action.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman\u003c/strong>: The 1960 census reveals the parts of West Oakland hit hardest by eminent domain projects were highly segregated … as much as 95% Black … with annual incomes far lower than the city average. The neighborhood in North Oakland that the Campilongos lived in had a higher median income but was also predominantly Black. Rhadika says these communities were vulnerable to eminent domain action and less likely to fight back.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Radhika Rao\u003c/strong>: Who has the money to hire a lawyer and go to court saying this, the compensation that you’re offering me is not just compensation? It’s not fair market value.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Music starts\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> BART records show that the agency acquired approximately 2,200 properties in order to build its first 75 miles of track. Some people sold their parcels to BART willingly, but others had to be evicted.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Clip of news report: \u003c/strong>This is Seventh Street on Oakland’s west side.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In this KPIX news report from 1967, BART staff are evicting an elderly Black woman named Leitha Blick from the thrift store she owns.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News report:\u003c/strong> An admittedly blighted area, directly in the path of proposed Bay Area Rapid Transit District construction.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> That word — blighted — is important. It’s a term that was used by urban redevelopment agencies throughout the country — including in Oakland — to describe neighborhoods that were seen as deteriorating.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News report:\u003c/strong> Most of the homes and businesses in this area will have to be destroyed to make room for progress, and the push of progress is not always gentle. Angry and confused, many of the residents say they can’t buy new homes with the market value prices given them for the ones they now live in. Business people face the same dilemma.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In the news clip, Blick stands by with her arms crossed as workers pack her things into boxes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>News report footage:\u003c/strong> Miss Blick, had you and the Bay Area Rapid Transit District reached any agreement before this happened?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Blick:\u003c/strong> No.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>News reporter:\u003c/strong> Why?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Blick:\u003c/strong> Because, uh, the price wasn’t satisfactory.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>News reporter:\u003c/strong> You didn’t think they were offering you enough money for your merchandise?\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Blick:\u003c/strong> That’s correct. Moving us out, and we had no place to go, and I didn’t think they were offering enough, no way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> Blick tried to stop BART from taking her property…but ultimately lost. But there are some examples of people successfully altering BART’s plan.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>\u003cbr>\nDocumentary footage:\u003c/strong> Berkeley was basically a segregated city. So, the whole of South Berkeley was pretty much a black neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman: \u003c/strong>Pam Uzzell’s documentary “Welcome to the Neighborhood” chronicles one effort in Berkeley. It profiles Mable Howard, who argued that BART’s plan to put raised tracks through part of the city would divide it along racial lines.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Documentary footage: \u003c/strong>A woman who said, I won’t have The city of Berkeley, divided in half, there won’t be any other side of the tracks.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> In 1966, Berkeley voters approved a tax that would pay to put BART completely underground in Berkeley. But BART proposed a design for Ashby station that was slightly above ground. So Mable Howard teamed up with Ron Dellums, then a city council member, to sue the agency. Here’s a lawyer on the case, Matthew Weinberg.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Matthew Weinberg:\u003c/strong> We won the case. How do we know we won the case? Go to Berkeley. You’ll see the whole thing’s underground.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman: \u003c/strong>BART acknowledges this legacy of displacement and struggle. Here’s Chief Communications Officer Alicia Trost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alicia Trost: \u003c/strong>There was a lot of generational wealth that was deeply impacted, if not destroyed, because of the building of the BART system.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> BART now has an office of civil rights, and other equity initiatives that Trost says are critical to rebuilding trust.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alicia Trost:\u003c/strong> And especially when we’re building on our land, uh, we want to make sure there’s a carve-out specifically for affordable housing and that we are in a daily conversation with the community to make sure what we’re building is something that they want.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> As the agency imagines building a possible second transbay tube, Trost says they’re also developing anti-displacement goals.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Alicia Trost:\u003c/strong> Which, if that’s not lessons learned, you know, I don’t know what is.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> I’ve gone through multiple public records requests and dozens of deeds, right-of-way contracts, and insurance policies for this story. At the end of it all, I paid another visit to Janine, our question-asker, and her mom, Johanne. I had something for them.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman, talking to the Dictors:\u003c/strong> I actually found the contract that your grandparents signed with Bart, so here it is. And so this, you can see, like it says right-of-way contract, and it has your grandparents’ names on it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Oh, is that all they, so it was just 25,000. Is that right? Oh my God. Oh my gosh.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman talking to the Dictors:\u003c/strong> We’re looking at the original contract between Vito and Elizabeth Campilongo and the Bay Area Rapid Transportation District, dated Sept. 2, 1965.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> And it looks like my grandmother’s handwriting, too, actually.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Oh, it does?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> It shows the Campilongos agreed to sell their property for $25,000. Adjusted for inflation, that’s about 245,000 dollars today. These days, homes go for around a million in that neighborhood.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> Doesn’t it look like Nana’s?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Not really.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor: \u003c/strong>That floral?\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor:\u003c/strong> Yeah, a little bit, but hers was, yeah, she had a good penmanship, Nana. Yeah,\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> Janine and Johanne are excited to see the physical evidence of their family history. But after the initial excitement, the mood is somber.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Janine Dictor:\u003c/strong> Going through this process, it’s like you realize it’s like about a lot more than what they were compensated, right? It’s about the fact that they were forced into this, that they lost a lifestyle, that they lost a community, you know. So, even if they got a good price, it’s kind of like, there’s still something to mourn there right about their experience.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> The word progress comes up a lot when talking about these kinds of projects. The idea is that progress, the greater good, justifies the sacrifice some families have to make. But for families like the Dictors, progress could feel like a step in the wrong direction. Here’s Johanne.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Johanne Dictor: \u003c/strong>After we lost that house, we lost the sense of our family in a way, it seemed like. It was kind of driven apart. Because that house really brought us together. More than the house in San Leandro, you know.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman:\u003c/strong> Public infrastructure is often seen as a kind of equalizer … it’s something we all pay for and that anyone can use. But the fact is … some people had to pay more than others.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> That was KQED reporter Azul Dahlstrom-Eckman.The use of eminent domain led to the displacement in some of the stories we explored today. It was often used to displace communities of color to make way for various infrastructure projects around the state. As part of its reparations efforts, California is now considering a bill that would compensate people if they can prove racism or discrimination prevented them from getting just compensation. To learn more about California’s reparations efforts, check out KQED’s coverage at KQED dot org slash reparations.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Special Thanks to Pam Uzzell for allowing us to use clips from her documentary “Welcome to the Neighborhood” in this story.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Katrina Schwartz: \u003c/strong>This episode was edited by Katrina Schwartz.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> Produced by Olivia Allen-Price.\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Tamuna Chkareuli:\u003c/strong> Tamuna Chkareuli\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Pauline Bartolone:\u003c/strong> Pauline Bartolone\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Christopher Beale:\u003c/strong> And Christopher Beale.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> We get additional support from:\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Jen Chien:\u003c/strong> Jen Chien\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Katie Sprenger:\u003c/strong> Katie Sprenger\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Cesar Saldaña:\u003c/strong> Cesar Saldaña\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Maha Sanad:\u003c/strong> Maha Sanad\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Xorje Olivares:\u003c/strong> Xorje Olivares:\u003cbr>\n\u003cstrong>Olivia Allen-Price:\u003c/strong> And the whole KQED family. Have a great week, everyone.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986396/when-bart-was-built-people-and-houses-had-to-go","authors":["11785"],"programs":["news_33523"],"series":["news_17986"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_269","news_1764","news_2318"],"featImg":"news_11986229","label":"news_33523"},"news_11985946":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11985946","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11985946","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"the-hidden-history-of-water-rights-in-owens-valley","title":"California's Nuumu People Claim LA Stole Their Water, Now They're Fighting for Its Return","publishDate":1715857235,"format":"standard","headTitle":"California’s Nuumu People Claim LA Stole Their Water, Now They’re Fighting for Its Return | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>When Noah Williams was about a year old, his parents took him on a fateful drive through the endless desert sagebrush of the Owens Valley — which the Nüümü call Payahuunadü — in California’s Eastern Sierra. Noah was strapped into his car seat behind his mother, Teri Red Owl, and his father, Harry Williams, a Nüümü tribal elder with a sharp sense of humor who loved a teachable moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hey, look — that’s our water!” he liked to tell Noah whenever they drove past the riffling cascades of the Los Angeles Aqueduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they sped toward their home on one of the Nüümü’s reservations in the valley, the family passed the dry lakebed of Patsiata, also known as Owens Lake. In the 19th century, Patsiata was a 110-square-mile behemoth more than twice the size of San Francisco, but in the decades since it’s been largely reduced to a brine pool ringed by a vast salt flat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the family sped on, the wind picked up, spinning dust from the lakebed into a volcanic gray cloud that quickly engulfed the car. Williams and Red Owl rolled up the windows and closed the vents, but the toxic dust seeped in any way, slowly clouding up the car. They could taste it, fine and metallic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982597\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982597 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family photos of Noah Williams with his father, Harry Williams, at Teri Red Owl’s home in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Years later, Harry told Noah about that harrowing drive. “How do people live here?” he remembered asking himself. Then he answered his own question: \u003cem>Oh, right. We live here.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a people who have experienced a tremendous amount of grief,” said Noah, who now works as a water program coordinator for one of the Nüümü tribes. “You’ve got to learn the history — and if you really want to get down into the details, it’ll really make your bones sort of chill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state shaped by water grabs, drought emergencies, and “pray for rain” billboards, Payahuunadü is the locus of California’s most infamous water war — the fight between Payahuunadü residents and the city of Los Angeles, about 270 miles away. In the early 1900s, Los Angeles was a small city that was running out of water, and Payahuunadü, which means “the land of flowing water,” had lots of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renamed the Owens Valley by white settlers — and nicknamed the “American Switzerland” — the valley was a snow-capped patchwork of pear farms and cattle ranches. Around 1904, Los Angeles city officials came up with a plan to take the valley’s water for themselves. Today, about a third of LA’s water supply comes from Payahuunadü and other parts of the Eastern Sierra, the city’s population has ballooned to nearly four million, and many of the valley’s streams and lakes — including Patsiata — have all but disappeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982603\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982603 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Wide shot of near empty lake with blue sky in the background. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owens Lake in Owens Valley on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The saga has been told scores of times, most famously in the Academy Award-winning movie Chinatown, but the Nüümü (also known as the Owens Valley Paiute) are often treated as a footnote to the story. The tribes have been fighting to get their water back for the better part of 170 years. And by the time Harry Williams died in 2021, he was convinced he’d discovered a way for them to do it. His strategy, he believed, would help the Nüümü win back their water in one clever move — and upend California’s arcane and inequitable water rights system along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 style=\"text-align: left\">‘Those Indians never got to be heard’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For the Nüümü, the water war started in the 1800s, with the arrival of white people in their homeland. At the time, the valley was lush and green, its river banks lined with willows and cottonwoods. The occasional fur trapper and mountain man quickly gave way to a steady stream of sheep and cattle ranchers, and by the 1860s, a community of farmers and ranchers had seized tracts of Payahuunadü for themselves. The settlers used federal laws to consolidate control of the land and the state’s fledgling water laws, passed in the 1850s, to gain control of that vital resource.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s water laws govern a landowner’s legal right to divert and use water from a river, lake, or stream, and they broadly operate under three basic principles. Under “first in time, first in right,” water went to the first landowner who filed a claim to use it. Under the law’s second principle, claimants were required to make continuous use of that water, otherwise known as “use it or lose it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, this system can still quietly determine who has power in California and who does not. “It may have made sense to the people in power at the time,” said Felicia Marcus, a visiting fellow at Stanford and the former chair of California’s State Water Board, which regulates water rights across the state. However, she argues that the system is fundamentally inequitable and long overdue for reform. “There’s a day of reckoning coming where we need to think about how we’re going to rectify this very obvious wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 19th century, a flurry of explicitly racist laws prevented many people of color from participating in California’s water rights system. While California was busy awarding water rights in the 1850s, it was also bankrolling a genocidal campaign against its Native communities; the legislature also legalized Native Californians’ enslavement and sanctioned the violent removal of tribes from their traditional lands. According to Noah’s mom, Red Owl — an expert in Nüümü history who has long served as executive director of the Owens Valley Indian Water Commission — it’s likely that the Nüümü were unaware of the finer points of state water law. And even if they had filed a water rights claim, many tribes would have run afoul of the law’s third principle, “beneficial use,” which held that a water rights owner had to use their water for something that California considered worthwhile. Diversions for agriculture were considered “beneficial,” but many California Native peoples did not farm. Before they knew it, the Nüümü had no legal right to the water they’d always relied on for basic survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982596\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982596 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman sits at a table with decorations behind her. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teri Red Owl, Executive Director of Owens Valley Indian Water Commission, at her home in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tensions in the valley continued to intensify, and war broke out between the Nüümü and the white settlers in 1861. In 1863, the U.S. Cavalry and a group of settlers drove more than thirty Nüümü into Owens Lake, then shot them as they tried to swim to safety. Later that year, the military forcibly marched nearly 1,000 Nüümü out of Payahuunadü to Fort El Tejon, more than 200 miles to the south. Many tribal members died of thirst or starvation along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time many Nüümü returned to their valley, the settlers had turned it into a constellation of cattle ranches and orchards. Some Nüümü found jobs as farm laborers and ranch hands, and by the early 1900s, a small group of tribal members had used the federal government’s Indian allotment system to recover some of the land and water they’d lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by then, a new power player had entered the valley. Through a series of technically legal maneuvers, Los Angeles officials began buying up land in Payahuunadü, and along with that land came its associated water rights. Next, they built an aqueduct to carry that water to the city — a move that would effectively drain the valley dry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the early 1930s, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ladwp.com/&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1715802841175784&usg=AOvVaw0ZU-3FlpSxASlMh0X5Vt2a\">Los Angeles Department of Water and Power\u003c/a> (LADWP) owned nearly all of the valley’s farmland and water rights. It was during this period that the utility authored a report, the “Owens Valley Indian Problem,” which suggested removing the Nüümü from the valley — or, if that failed, containing them on reservations. According to both Red Owl and Sophia Borgias — an assistant professor at Boise State University and \u003ca href=\"https://www.tandfonline.com/share/IUTPXUXS6GNSMFNNTSPA?target=10.1080/24694452.2024.2332649\">expert in this\u003c/a> period of Payahuunadü history — the federal government stepped in on the city’s behalf, and in the late 1930s, Congress created several Nüümü reservations in Payahuunadü. Through this flurry of legislation and years of political maneuvering, LADWP further consolidated its control of the valley’s land and water, including the water that flowed through the Nüümü reservations. To this day, LADWP holds the rights to the drinking water on the Bishop Paiute Reservation, where Noah grew up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like to consider myself [part of] a resource colony of Los Angeles, but I’m afraid that is how they view us,” Red Owl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Nüümü did not quietly accept this situation. They refused to leave Payahuunadü, even when LADWP and federal officials pressured them to relocate; at one point, LADWP even hired armed guards to prevent some Nüümü landowners from using the water they had rights to. In 1937, several Nüümü tribal members traveled to Washington to plead the tribes’ case, but Congress refused to let them speak before the legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those Indians never ever got to be heard,” Red Owl said. “When I think about it, it always hurts my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘David and Goliath’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harry Williams wasn’t a particularly patient person, and the Nüümü’s endless fights against LADWP infuriated him. So, sometime in the late 1990s, he started working on an ambitious new strategy. By the time Noah was in middle school, Harry was obsessed with a network of narrow channels that crisscross, according to one estimate, at least 60 square miles of the valley’s low, rocky hills. As a kid, Harry used to play in these channels, which looked like dry, overgrown creek beds 2-to-3 feet deep. “I don’t think that he quite realized what it was at the time,” Noah said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To an untrained eye, the ditches don’t look like much, but Noah said they sometimes follow a pattern, branching off of the valley’s former creeks like veins from a leaf’s midrib. According to Harry, there’s a reason for that: the shallow ditches were part of a massive system the Nüümü had developed and maintained over hundreds of years to irrigate crops like tüpüs and nahavita, also known as yellow nutsedge and wild hyacinth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982601\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982601 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Rocks in the foreground with snow-capped mountains in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The remains of a rock wall indicate the likely direction that water once flowed at the Bishop Creek diversion in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other Nüümü knew about the tribes’ ditches, but it was Harry who obsessively researched and mapped them — and Harry who became convinced of their political implications. Under California’s water laws, many Native peoples were ineligible for water rights because they hadn’t put their water to “beneficial use” in the eyes of the state. But by diverting Payahuunadü’s water for irrigation, Harry theorized, the Nüümü had, in fact, demonstrated beneficial use, and they had done so long before white people arrived in the valley. This meant he argued that the Nüümü had been the rightful owners of the Payahuunadü’s water all along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, getting that water back would mean taking on LADWP. “It’s truly a David and Goliath sort of situation,” Noah said. “It’s going to be a huge, huge fight.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4HUbbwYLH6k&t=1s\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry’s next step was to gather proof that the ditch system was as old and sophisticated as Nüümü traditional knowledge said it was. He enlisted researchers to help him pore over 100-year-old maps and dusty ethnographies, and he quickly realized that some government officials had known about the ditches in the 19th century. When whites first made contact with the Nüümü back in the 1800s, some were impressed enough by the tribes’ agricultural system to write about it in letters and newspapers. Academics had even published anthropological research on the Nüümü’s agricultural practices back in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least some of the white settlers who violently displaced the Nüümü had clearly known about the ditches, too. In an op-ed published by the Inyo Independent in 1870, the authors state that “many of the principle irrigating ditches now in use by the whites were originally constructed by the aborigines.” The op-ed was published not long after settlers forcibly removed the Nüümü from the valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, that’s just the ultimate slap in the face,” said Greg Haverstock, an archeologist with the Bureau of Land Management who’s studied Nüümü agricultural ditches. The settlers “must have recognized that these were developed areas,” he said — even as they co-opted Nüümü irrigation systems and claimed the valley’s water for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haverstock started studying those systems because Harry contacted him in 2017; even with all of the historical documentation he’d collected, Harry still didn’t have scientific proof that the ditches predated the arrival of white settlers, which could make a Nüümü water rights claim all the more persuasive with the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Toxic dust from the lakebed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to Noah, Harry always had “a bit of a cough,” and as he hiked through agricultural ditches with Haverstock and pored over historical research, it was hard not to notice that his cough was getting worse. When Noah was fresh out of college, Harry was diagnosed with cystic fibrosis and interstitial lung disease. No one can pinpoint the exact cause of Harry’s illnesses, but Noah believes the toxic dust storms that whipped off Patsiata’s dried lakebed were at least partly to blame: His father was far from the only community member who developed respiratory disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982604\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982604 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"White dust covering a lakebed with blue sky in the background. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owens Lake in Owens Valley on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s “putting two and two together,” Noah said. “Like, ‘Hey, they say that this is such bad dust pollution. We’re starting to see people that are sick.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dust from the lakebed is laced with naturally occurring arsenic and other carcinogens, and the dust’s tiny particles have also been shown to harm human health. While there haven’t been any published studies on the long-term health impacts of Payahuunadü’s airborne dust, this kind of pollution has been studied in other places, where it was found to cause cancer, lung disease, and premature death. Since the late 1990s, LADWP said it has spent $2.5 billion on dust mitigation strategies, like putting gravel on the dried lakebed and using sprinklers to dampen the dust. The utility said it has reduced the lake’s dust emissions by more than 99 percent, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://nap.nationalacademies.org/catalog/25658/effectiveness-and-impacts-of-dust-control-measures-for-owens-lake&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1715801655469723&usg=AOvVaw2G2J5EE_thb3KYF_g1Zc6H\">a 2020 National Academies of Sciences report\u003c/a> found the area still doesn’t meet air quality standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JOTI5gbq9gg\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Harry was deeply annoyed by his illness. He had archeologists to meet and county leaders to yell at.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He definitely wanted to be here longer for sure,” Noah said. “That was really sad — realizing, ‘you know, it’s too late.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2021, his oxygen levels dropped, and Noah rushed him to the emergency room. “Are you ready?” Noah remembered asking him. “And he said, ‘Yeah — I’m ready to go.’” The doctors removed his oxygen, and Noah began singing ceremonial songs he’d learned from Harry. He held his father’s hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The storm clouds rolled in a few minutes after Harry’s last breath. As Noah gathered up Harry’s things, it began to rain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really comforted by some information that someone shared with me,” he said. “It only rains when the great ones pass away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rain pooled in the valley’s parched ditches, its dry creek beds, and on the dusty lakebed. Some of it coursed into the aqueduct and was taken to Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A fight for reform and reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2022, Haverstock and his team published their peer-reviewed paper in the Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology. (Harry Williams is listed as a co-author and managed to review a draft before he died.) According to Haverstock’s radiocarbon dating, the Nüümü had been using the ditches to irrigate their valley for more than 400 years, long before their contact with white people. Williams had been right all along. “We tend to underestimate the ingenuity and the ecological knowledge of people before us,” Haverstock said. “That’s a big mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the paper’s publication, Noah said Nüümü tribal leaders have yet to file a water rights claim. The tribes don’t have the money to fight for Harry’s dream, Noah said, and are focusing on water fights against LADWP that are less of a legal moonshot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LADWP representatives declined interview requests, but in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1XabakxpAiq2csC9BQ7PF7pkje_JJMOXj/view?usp=drive_link\">written statement\u003c/a>, the utility said it “recognizes tribal members’ traditional knowledge” and strives to respect Eastern Sierra communities. It also noted its attempts to reduce the amount of water Los Angeles imports. The city’s population has grown rapidly in the past 30 years, but LADWP said it has still managed to reduce its water imports from the Eastern Sierra by 50 percent since the 1990s; the utility is also investing in water recycling and treating stormwater for drinking. LADWP declined to answer any questions about the Nüümü agricultural ditch system or the validity of any tribal water-rights claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several water-law experts have found Harry Williams’ argument compelling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes their water rights — \u003cem>in theory \u003c/em>— very senior,” said Felicia Marcus, the Stanford fellow. But the Nüümü’s claim would be vulnerable to a range of legal counterarguments. For example, the tribes didn’t file a claim within the statute of limitations, and they did not use their water “continuously,” as California water law requires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, the Nüümü likely didn’t know they needed to file a water claim in the 1800s, and the tribes stopped using the valley’s water in the 1860s because the U.S. military had forcibly driven them out of the valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is clearly unjust, Marcus said, and an excellent example of why California should reform its water rights system to better include marginalized communities. The state could implement some kind of water reparations, she suggests, or the state legislature could pass a bill enabling tribes to file water rights claims retroactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Noah Williams, the worst-case scenario isn’t just that the Nüümü never get their water back. It’s that all the history his dad fought to recover and devoted his life to preserving could be forgotten. “It’s frustrating,” he said. “I’d ask people [in Los Angeles] time and time again, ‘Where does your water come from?’ One of the most common answers that I would get would be, ‘From the tap.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If we don’t tell people what actually happened here in the Owens Valley, he added — who lived here and who made use of the water — “it could just become a memory that’s lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Teresa Cotsirilos is a staff reporter with the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://nam11.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fthefern.org%2F&data=05%7C02%7Cchendler%40motherjones.com%7C060e0b2b9d5c4958f44408dc5989c2da%7C012f9e2f06f14827a96c9a54d367d83e%7C0%7C0%7C638483695425235926%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=8myntXoebNb%2FZUUlG0vig5kACl1xI0%2FqaTw3jjLVNCY%3D&reserved=0\">\u003cem>Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an independent, nonprofit news organization.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"'You've got to learn the history — and if you really want to get down into the details, it'll really make your bones sort of chill,’ Noah Williams said, talking about the history of water rights in the Owens Valley.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715816680,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":true,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":49,"wordCount":3582},"headData":{"title":"California's Nuumu People Claim LA Stole Their Water, Now They're Fighting for Its Return | KQED","description":"'You've got to learn the history — and if you really want to get down into the details, it'll really make your bones sort of chill,’ Noah Williams said, talking about the history of water rights in the Owens Valley.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"California's Nuumu People Claim LA Stole Their Water, Now They're Fighting for Its Return","datePublished":"2024-05-16T11:00:35.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-15T23:44:40.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"source":"The California Report Magazine","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/californiareportmagazine","audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC4165815198.mp3?updated=1715802350","sticky":false,"nprByline":"Teresa Cotsirilos","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11985946/the-hidden-history-of-water-rights-in-owens-valley","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>When Noah Williams was about a year old, his parents took him on a fateful drive through the endless desert sagebrush of the Owens Valley — which the Nüümü call Payahuunadü — in California’s Eastern Sierra. Noah was strapped into his car seat behind his mother, Teri Red Owl, and his father, Harry Williams, a Nüümü tribal elder with a sharp sense of humor who loved a teachable moment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Hey, look — that’s our water!” he liked to tell Noah whenever they drove past the riffling cascades of the Los Angeles Aqueduct.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As they sped toward their home on one of the Nüümü’s reservations in the valley, the family passed the dry lakebed of Patsiata, also known as Owens Lake. In the 19th century, Patsiata was a 110-square-mile behemoth more than twice the size of San Francisco, but in the decades since it’s been largely reduced to a brine pool ringed by a vast salt flat.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the family sped on, the wind picked up, spinning dust from the lakebed into a volcanic gray cloud that quickly engulfed the car. Williams and Red Owl rolled up the windows and closed the vents, but the toxic dust seeped in any way, slowly clouding up the car. They could taste it, fine and metallic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982597\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982597 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-013-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Family photos of Noah Williams with his father, Harry Williams, at Teri Red Owl’s home in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Years later, Harry told Noah about that harrowing drive. “How do people live here?” he remembered asking himself. Then he answered his own question: \u003cem>Oh, right. We live here.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We are a people who have experienced a tremendous amount of grief,” said Noah, who now works as a water program coordinator for one of the Nüümü tribes. “You’ve got to learn the history — and if you really want to get down into the details, it’ll really make your bones sort of chill.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a state shaped by water grabs, drought emergencies, and “pray for rain” billboards, Payahuunadü is the locus of California’s most infamous water war — the fight between Payahuunadü residents and the city of Los Angeles, about 270 miles away. In the early 1900s, Los Angeles was a small city that was running out of water, and Payahuunadü, which means “the land of flowing water,” had lots of it.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Renamed the Owens Valley by white settlers — and nicknamed the “American Switzerland” — the valley was a snow-capped patchwork of pear farms and cattle ranches. Around 1904, Los Angeles city officials came up with a plan to take the valley’s water for themselves. Today, about a third of LA’s water supply comes from Payahuunadü and other parts of the Eastern Sierra, the city’s population has ballooned to nearly four million, and many of the valley’s streams and lakes — including Patsiata — have all but disappeared.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982603\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982603 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Wide shot of near empty lake with blue sky in the background. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-040-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owens Lake in Owens Valley on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>The saga has been told scores of times, most famously in the Academy Award-winning movie Chinatown, but the Nüümü (also known as the Owens Valley Paiute) are often treated as a footnote to the story. The tribes have been fighting to get their water back for the better part of 170 years. And by the time Harry Williams died in 2021, he was convinced he’d discovered a way for them to do it. His strategy, he believed, would help the Nüümü win back their water in one clever move — and upend California’s arcane and inequitable water rights system along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2 style=\"text-align: left\">‘Those Indians never got to be heard’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For the Nüümü, the water war started in the 1800s, with the arrival of white people in their homeland. At the time, the valley was lush and green, its river banks lined with willows and cottonwoods. The occasional fur trapper and mountain man quickly gave way to a steady stream of sheep and cattle ranchers, and by the 1860s, a community of farmers and ranchers had seized tracts of Payahuunadü for themselves. The settlers used federal laws to consolidate control of the land and the state’s fledgling water laws, passed in the 1850s, to gain control of that vital resource.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>California’s water laws govern a landowner’s legal right to divert and use water from a river, lake, or stream, and they broadly operate under three basic principles. Under “first in time, first in right,” water went to the first landowner who filed a claim to use it. Under the law’s second principle, claimants were required to make continuous use of that water, otherwise known as “use it or lose it.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Today, this system can still quietly determine who has power in California and who does not. “It may have made sense to the people in power at the time,” said Felicia Marcus, a visiting fellow at Stanford and the former chair of California’s State Water Board, which regulates water rights across the state. However, she argues that the system is fundamentally inequitable and long overdue for reform. “There’s a day of reckoning coming where we need to think about how we’re going to rectify this very obvious wrong.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In the 19th century, a flurry of explicitly racist laws prevented many people of color from participating in California’s water rights system. While California was busy awarding water rights in the 1850s, it was also bankrolling a genocidal campaign against its Native communities; the legislature also legalized Native Californians’ enslavement and sanctioned the violent removal of tribes from their traditional lands. According to Noah’s mom, Red Owl — an expert in Nüümü history who has long served as executive director of the Owens Valley Indian Water Commission — it’s likely that the Nüümü were unaware of the finer points of state water law. And even if they had filed a water rights claim, many tribes would have run afoul of the law’s third principle, “beneficial use,” which held that a water rights owner had to use their water for something that California considered worthwhile. Diversions for agriculture were considered “beneficial,” but many California Native peoples did not farm. Before they knew it, the Nüümü had no legal right to the water they’d always relied on for basic survival.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982596\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982596 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman sits at a table with decorations behind her. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-006-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Teri Red Owl, Executive Director of Owens Valley Indian Water Commission, at her home in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Tensions in the valley continued to intensify, and war broke out between the Nüümü and the white settlers in 1861. In 1863, the U.S. Cavalry and a group of settlers drove more than thirty Nüümü into Owens Lake, then shot them as they tried to swim to safety. Later that year, the military forcibly marched nearly 1,000 Nüümü out of Payahuunadü to Fort El Tejon, more than 200 miles to the south. Many tribal members died of thirst or starvation along the way.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the time many Nüümü returned to their valley, the settlers had turned it into a constellation of cattle ranches and orchards. Some Nüümü found jobs as farm laborers and ranch hands, and by the early 1900s, a small group of tribal members had used the federal government’s Indian allotment system to recover some of the land and water they’d lost.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But by then, a new power player had entered the valley. Through a series of technically legal maneuvers, Los Angeles officials began buying up land in Payahuunadü, and along with that land came its associated water rights. Next, they built an aqueduct to carry that water to the city — a move that would effectively drain the valley dry.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>By the early 1930s, the \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.ladwp.com/&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1715802841175784&usg=AOvVaw0ZU-3FlpSxASlMh0X5Vt2a\">Los Angeles Department of Water and Power\u003c/a> (LADWP) owned nearly all of the valley’s farmland and water rights. It was during this period that the utility authored a report, the “Owens Valley Indian Problem,” which suggested removing the Nüümü from the valley — or, if that failed, containing them on reservations. According to both Red Owl and Sophia Borgias — an assistant professor at Boise State University and \u003ca href=\"https://www.tandfonline.com/share/IUTPXUXS6GNSMFNNTSPA?target=10.1080/24694452.2024.2332649\">expert in this\u003c/a> period of Payahuunadü history — the federal government stepped in on the city’s behalf, and in the late 1930s, Congress created several Nüümü reservations in Payahuunadü. Through this flurry of legislation and years of political maneuvering, LADWP further consolidated its control of the valley’s land and water, including the water that flowed through the Nüümü reservations. To this day, LADWP holds the rights to the drinking water on the Bishop Paiute Reservation, where Noah grew up.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I don’t like to consider myself [part of] a resource colony of Los Angeles, but I’m afraid that is how they view us,” Red Owl said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Nüümü did not quietly accept this situation. They refused to leave Payahuunadü, even when LADWP and federal officials pressured them to relocate; at one point, LADWP even hired armed guards to prevent some Nüümü landowners from using the water they had rights to. In 1937, several Nüümü tribal members traveled to Washington to plead the tribes’ case, but Congress refused to let them speak before the legislature.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those Indians never ever got to be heard,” Red Owl said. “When I think about it, it always hurts my heart.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>‘David and Goliath’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Harry Williams wasn’t a particularly patient person, and the Nüümü’s endless fights against LADWP infuriated him. So, sometime in the late 1990s, he started working on an ambitious new strategy. By the time Noah was in middle school, Harry was obsessed with a network of narrow channels that crisscross, according to one estimate, at least 60 square miles of the valley’s low, rocky hills. As a kid, Harry used to play in these channels, which looked like dry, overgrown creek beds 2-to-3 feet deep. “I don’t think that he quite realized what it was at the time,” Noah said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>To an untrained eye, the ditches don’t look like much, but Noah said they sometimes follow a pattern, branching off of the valley’s former creeks like veins from a leaf’s midrib. According to Harry, there’s a reason for that: the shallow ditches were part of a massive system the Nüümü had developed and maintained over hundreds of years to irrigate crops like tüpüs and nahavita, also known as yellow nutsedge and wild hyacinth.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982601\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982601 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"Rocks in the foreground with snow-capped mountains in the background.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1334\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-031-AR-KQED-1920x1281.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The remains of a rock wall indicate the likely direction that water once flowed at the Bishop Creek diversion in Bishop on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Other Nüümü knew about the tribes’ ditches, but it was Harry who obsessively researched and mapped them — and Harry who became convinced of their political implications. Under California’s water laws, many Native peoples were ineligible for water rights because they hadn’t put their water to “beneficial use” in the eyes of the state. But by diverting Payahuunadü’s water for irrigation, Harry theorized, the Nüümü had, in fact, demonstrated beneficial use, and they had done so long before white people arrived in the valley. This meant he argued that the Nüümü had been the rightful owners of the Payahuunadü’s water all along.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, getting that water back would mean taking on LADWP. “It’s truly a David and Goliath sort of situation,” Noah said. “It’s going to be a huge, huge fight.”\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/4HUbbwYLH6k'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/4HUbbwYLH6k'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Harry’s next step was to gather proof that the ditch system was as old and sophisticated as Nüümü traditional knowledge said it was. He enlisted researchers to help him pore over 100-year-old maps and dusty ethnographies, and he quickly realized that some government officials had known about the ditches in the 19th century. When whites first made contact with the Nüümü back in the 1800s, some were impressed enough by the tribes’ agricultural system to write about it in letters and newspapers. Academics had even published anthropological research on the Nüümü’s agricultural practices back in the 1970s.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>At least some of the white settlers who violently displaced the Nüümü had clearly known about the ditches, too. In an op-ed published by the Inyo Independent in 1870, the authors state that “many of the principle irrigating ditches now in use by the whites were originally constructed by the aborigines.” The op-ed was published not long after settlers forcibly removed the Nüümü from the valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“To me, that’s just the ultimate slap in the face,” said Greg Haverstock, an archeologist with the Bureau of Land Management who’s studied Nüümü agricultural ditches. The settlers “must have recognized that these were developed areas,” he said — even as they co-opted Nüümü irrigation systems and claimed the valley’s water for themselves.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Haverstock started studying those systems because Harry contacted him in 2017; even with all of the historical documentation he’d collected, Harry still didn’t have scientific proof that the ditches predated the arrival of white settlers, which could make a Nüümü water rights claim all the more persuasive with the state.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Toxic dust from the lakebed\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>According to Noah, Harry always had “a bit of a cough,” and as he hiked through agricultural ditches with Haverstock and pored over historical research, it was hard not to notice that his cough was getting worse. When Noah was fresh out of college, Harry was diagnosed with cystic fibrosis and interstitial lung disease. No one can pinpoint the exact cause of Harry’s illnesses, but Noah believes the toxic dust storms that whipped off Patsiata’s dried lakebed were at least partly to blame: His father was far from the only community member who developed respiratory disorders.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11982604\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11982604 size-full\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"White dust covering a lakebed with blue sky in the background. \" width=\"2000\" height=\"1335\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-800x534.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1020x681.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1536x1025.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/04/Owens-Lake-044-AR-KQED-1920x1282.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Owens Lake in Owens Valley on April 3, 2024. \u003ccite>(Alejandra Rubio for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>It’s “putting two and two together,” Noah said. “Like, ‘Hey, they say that this is such bad dust pollution. We’re starting to see people that are sick.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The dust from the lakebed is laced with naturally occurring arsenic and other carcinogens, and the dust’s tiny particles have also been shown to harm human health. While there haven’t been any published studies on the long-term health impacts of Payahuunadü’s airborne dust, this kind of pollution has been studied in other places, where it was found to cause cancer, lung disease, and premature death. Since the late 1990s, LADWP said it has spent $2.5 billion on dust mitigation strategies, like putting gravel on the dried lakebed and using sprinklers to dampen the dust. The utility said it has reduced the lake’s dust emissions by more than 99 percent, but \u003ca href=\"https://www.google.com/url?q=https://nap.nationalacademies.org/catalog/25658/effectiveness-and-impacts-of-dust-control-measures-for-owens-lake&sa=D&source=docs&ust=1715801655469723&usg=AOvVaw2G2J5EE_thb3KYF_g1Zc6H\">a 2020 National Academies of Sciences report\u003c/a> found the area still doesn’t meet air quality standards.\u003c/p>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutube'>\n \u003cspan class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__embedYoutubeInside'>\n \u003ciframe\n loading='lazy'\n class='utils-parseShortcode-shortcodes-__youtubeShortcode__youtubePlayer'\n type='text/html'\n src='//www.youtube.com/embed/JOTI5gbq9gg'\n title='//www.youtube.com/embed/JOTI5gbq9gg'\n allowfullscreen='true'\n style='border:0;'>\u003c/iframe>\n \u003c/span>\n \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003cp>Harry was deeply annoyed by his illness. He had archeologists to meet and county leaders to yell at.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“He definitely wanted to be here longer for sure,” Noah said. “That was really sad — realizing, ‘you know, it’s too late.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>But in 2021, his oxygen levels dropped, and Noah rushed him to the emergency room. “Are you ready?” Noah remembered asking him. “And he said, ‘Yeah — I’m ready to go.’” The doctors removed his oxygen, and Noah began singing ceremonial songs he’d learned from Harry. He held his father’s hand.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The storm clouds rolled in a few minutes after Harry’s last breath. As Noah gathered up Harry’s things, it began to rain.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I was really comforted by some information that someone shared with me,” he said. “It only rains when the great ones pass away.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The rain pooled in the valley’s parched ditches, its dry creek beds, and on the dusty lakebed. Some of it coursed into the aqueduct and was taken to Los Angeles.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A fight for reform and reparations\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>In 2022, Haverstock and his team published their peer-reviewed paper in the Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology. (Harry Williams is listed as a co-author and managed to review a draft before he died.) According to Haverstock’s radiocarbon dating, the Nüümü had been using the ditches to irrigate their valley for more than 400 years, long before their contact with white people. Williams had been right all along. “We tend to underestimate the ingenuity and the ecological knowledge of people before us,” Haverstock said. “That’s a big mistake.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Despite the paper’s publication, Noah said Nüümü tribal leaders have yet to file a water rights claim. The tribes don’t have the money to fight for Harry’s dream, Noah said, and are focusing on water fights against LADWP that are less of a legal moonshot.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>LADWP representatives declined interview requests, but in a \u003ca href=\"https://drive.google.com/file/d/1XabakxpAiq2csC9BQ7PF7pkje_JJMOXj/view?usp=drive_link\">written statement\u003c/a>, the utility said it “recognizes tribal members’ traditional knowledge” and strives to respect Eastern Sierra communities. It also noted its attempts to reduce the amount of water Los Angeles imports. The city’s population has grown rapidly in the past 30 years, but LADWP said it has still managed to reduce its water imports from the Eastern Sierra by 50 percent since the 1990s; the utility is also investing in water recycling and treating stormwater for drinking. LADWP declined to answer any questions about the Nüümü agricultural ditch system or the validity of any tribal water-rights claims.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Several water-law experts have found Harry Williams’ argument compelling.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It makes their water rights — \u003cem>in theory \u003c/em>— very senior,” said Felicia Marcus, the Stanford fellow. But the Nüümü’s claim would be vulnerable to a range of legal counterarguments. For example, the tribes didn’t file a claim within the statute of limitations, and they did not use their water “continuously,” as California water law requires.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, the Nüümü likely didn’t know they needed to file a water claim in the 1800s, and the tribes stopped using the valley’s water in the 1860s because the U.S. military had forcibly driven them out of the valley.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>This is clearly unjust, Marcus said, and an excellent example of why California should reform its water rights system to better include marginalized communities. The state could implement some kind of water reparations, she suggests, or the state legislature could pass a bill enabling tribes to file water rights claims retroactively.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Noah Williams, the worst-case scenario isn’t just that the Nüümü never get their water back. It’s that all the history his dad fought to recover and devoted his life to preserving could be forgotten. “It’s frustrating,” he said. “I’d ask people [in Los Angeles] time and time again, ‘Where does your water come from?’ One of the most common answers that I would get would be, ‘From the tap.’”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If we don’t tell people what actually happened here in the Owens Valley, he added — who lived here and who made use of the water — “it could just become a memory that’s lost.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Teresa Cotsirilos is a staff reporter with the \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://nam11.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fthefern.org%2F&data=05%7C02%7Cchendler%40motherjones.com%7C060e0b2b9d5c4958f44408dc5989c2da%7C012f9e2f06f14827a96c9a54d367d83e%7C0%7C0%7C638483695425235926%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=8myntXoebNb%2FZUUlG0vig5kACl1xI0%2FqaTw3jjLVNCY%3D&reserved=0\">\u003cem>Food & Environment Reporting Network\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem>, an independent, nonprofit news organization.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11985946/the-hidden-history-of-water-rights-in-owens-valley","authors":["byline_news_11985946"],"programs":["news_72","news_26731"],"categories":["news_31795","news_19906","news_8"],"tags":["news_18538","news_1262","news_30233","news_21998","news_483"],"featImg":"news_11982598","label":"source_news_11985946"},"forum_2010101905759":{"type":"posts","id":"forum_2010101905759","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"forum","id":"2010101905759","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"californias-budget-deficit-is-45-billion-whats-newsoms-plan-to-fix-it","title":"California’s Budget Deficit is $45 Billion. What's Newsom's Plan to Fix It?","publishDate":1715806713,"format":"audio","headTitle":"California’s Budget Deficit is $45 Billion. What’s Newsom’s Plan to Fix It? | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"forum"},"content":"\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom last week proposed a series of deep cuts to close the state’s $45 billion budget deficit. The proposals, which include no new taxes, include a nearly 8% cut to state operations and the elimination of 10,000 unfilled jobs and will affect some education, public health and affordable housing programs. The governor’s office says that the proposal “maintains service levels for key housing, food, health care, and other assistance programs.” We look at the Governor’s May revise and the fiscal health of our state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"We look at the Governor's May revise and the fiscal health of our state.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715893319,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":3,"wordCount":97},"headData":{"title":"California’s Budget Deficit is $45 Billion. What's Newsom's Plan to Fix It? | KQED","description":"We look at the Governor's May revise and the fiscal health of our state.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"Article","headline":"California’s Budget Deficit is $45 Billion. What's Newsom's Plan to Fix It?","datePublished":"2024-05-15T20:58:33.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-16T21:01:59.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"audioUrl":"https://www.podtrac.com/pts/redirect.mp3/pdst.fm/e/chrt.fm/track/G6C7C3/traffic.megaphone.fm/KQINC6804174452.mp3?updated=1715890146","airdate":1715878800,"forumGuests":[{"name":"Guy Marzorati","bio":"correspondent, KQED's California Politics and Government Desk"},{"name":"Michelle Gibbons","bio":"executive director, County Health Executives Association of California"},{"name":"Lindsey Holden","bio":"legislative reporter, The Sacramento Bee"}],"sticky":false,"excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/forum/2010101905759/californias-budget-deficit-is-45-billion-whats-newsoms-plan-to-fix-it","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Gov. Gavin Newsom last week proposed a series of deep cuts to close the state’s $45 billion budget deficit. The proposals, which include no new taxes, include a nearly 8% cut to state operations and the elimination of 10,000 unfilled jobs and will affect some education, public health and affordable housing programs. The governor’s office says that the proposal “maintains service levels for key housing, food, health care, and other assistance programs.” We look at the Governor’s May revise and the fiscal health of our state.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/forum/2010101905759/californias-budget-deficit-is-45-billion-whats-newsoms-plan-to-fix-it","authors":["3239"],"categories":["forum_165"],"featImg":"forum_2010101905761","label":"forum"},"news_11986306":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986306","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986306","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"uc-berkeley-encampment-is-packing-up-for-merced-heres-what-admin-agreed-to","title":"UC Berkeley Encampment is Packing Up for Merced. Here’s What Admin Agreed To","publishDate":1715796671,"format":"standard","headTitle":"UC Berkeley Encampment is Packing Up for Merced. Here’s What Admin Agreed To | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Pro-Palestinian activists at UC Berkeley ended their weekslong encampment on the campus’ central plaza following last week’s commencement ceremonies and a letter from the university detailing steps it had agreed to take based on protesters’ demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ria Raniwala, the executive news editor of the Daily Californian, told KQED that as of Wednesday morning, all that remains on Berkeley’s Sproul Plaza is a large sign reading “Off to Merced,” where Berkeley activists are gathering with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986194/pro-palestinian-protesters-stay-put-on-ucsf-campus-a-day-after-initial-police-sweep\">other UC campus coalitions\u003c/a> to protest as the Board of Regents meets there this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University Chancellor Carol T. Christ said she was greatly relieved to “bring this protest to a peaceful end.” The camp was set up on April 22 to put pressure on the university to divest from companies with ties to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christ agreed to take steps to review the campus’ investments and develop a transparent process for assessing whether any of its global exchange and internship programs are out of step with the UC’s Anti-Discrimination Policy, according to \u003ca href=\"https://chancellor.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/encampment_letter_051424.pdf\">a letter Christ sent Tuesday\u003c/a> to the Free Palestine Encampment detailing the agreement between the university and encampment representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christ said in her letter that the campus is committed to ensuring investments are aligned with the UN Principles of Responsible Investments and will be “investigating the alignment of UC Berkeley’s investments with our institution’s core values,” including respect for equality, human rights, and abhorrence of war, although she noted that the University of California Office of the President has stated that “divestment from companies on the basis of whether or not they do business with or in Israel is not supported.” She also said that the decision to sell direct investments is decided by the UC regents, not the university chancellor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We realized a lot of the power lies with the regents. A lot of this … is not as local as UC Berkeley,” Yousuf, a student organizer who gave only his first name for fear of retaliation, told KQED. “These tents are going down, but, you know, people are going to be here — today, tomorrow, the next day after that, and next semester especially.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As regents hold their bimonthly meetings at UC Merced — including committees related to investment and finance — activists are setting up a joint encampment on the campus, according to Raniwala.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of these tents have packed up and gone to Merced,” Raniwala told KQED. “The California regents have been meeting there yesterday, today and tomorrow to discuss investments, academic policy, and a lot of other things, and I guess the protests across UC campuses plan to congregate there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label=\"Related Stories\" postID=\"news_11986194,news_11985856,news_11985245\"]Another of the UC Berkeley encampment’s demands was an academic boycott of Israel, which Christ said she did not support. However, the university agreed to review its global exchange and internship programs to ensure they are not violating the UC’s Anti-Discrimination Policy, Christ said in her letter, adding that any programs found in violation will be remedied or terminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Future programs will also be evaluated on a continuing basis, and the campus will develop a transparent process for reviewing complaints about academic programs by December. Christ said the UCB Divest Coalition and the Academic Senate Committee on Diversity, Equity, and Campus Climate will be invited to participate in the development of this process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christ also said she would make a public statement “by the end of the month sharing my personal support for government officials’ efforts to secure an immediate and permanent cease-fire. Such support for the plight of Palestinians, including protest, should not be conflated with hatred or antisemitism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While other universities have called in police or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984762/ucs-campus-safety-plan-under-fire-as-violence-breaks-out-at-ucla-protest\">seen violence at similar protests\u003c/a>, Berkeley’s camp has been largely peaceful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Office of the President, meanwhile, confirmed that the building in Oakland was damaged by vandalism on Saturday and was working with law enforcement to investigate. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2024/05/14/18866217.php\">an anonymous post on Indybay.org\u003c/a>, a Bay Area independent media collective, people acting “in solidarity with the Palestinian Resistance” said they smashed seven windows, used a fire extinguisher to spray red paint on the building and released hundreds of cockroaches inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Matthew Green of KQED News contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The pro-Palestinian encampment at UC Berkeley is ending after an agreement with the university. Protesters plan to head to UC Merced for the regents meeting.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715877990,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":16,"wordCount":745},"headData":{"title":"UC Berkeley Encampment is Packing Up for Merced. Here’s What Admin Agreed To | KQED","description":"The pro-Palestinian encampment at UC Berkeley is ending after an agreement with the university. Protesters plan to head to UC Merced for the regents meeting.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"UC Berkeley Encampment is Packing Up for Merced. Here’s What Admin Agreed To","datePublished":"2024-05-15T18:11:11.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-16T16:46:30.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"\u003ca href=\"https://twitter.com/katie_debe?lang=en\">Katie DeBenedetti\u003c/a>","nprStoryId":"kqed-11986306","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986306/uc-berkeley-encampment-is-packing-up-for-merced-heres-what-admin-agreed-to","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Pro-Palestinian activists at UC Berkeley ended their weekslong encampment on the campus’ central plaza following last week’s commencement ceremonies and a letter from the university detailing steps it had agreed to take based on protesters’ demands.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ria Raniwala, the executive news editor of the Daily Californian, told KQED that as of Wednesday morning, all that remains on Berkeley’s Sproul Plaza is a large sign reading “Off to Merced,” where Berkeley activists are gathering with \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986194/pro-palestinian-protesters-stay-put-on-ucsf-campus-a-day-after-initial-police-sweep\">other UC campus coalitions\u003c/a> to protest as the Board of Regents meets there this week.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>University Chancellor Carol T. Christ said she was greatly relieved to “bring this protest to a peaceful end.” The camp was set up on April 22 to put pressure on the university to divest from companies with ties to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christ agreed to take steps to review the campus’ investments and develop a transparent process for assessing whether any of its global exchange and internship programs are out of step with the UC’s Anti-Discrimination Policy, according to \u003ca href=\"https://chancellor.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/encampment_letter_051424.pdf\">a letter Christ sent Tuesday\u003c/a> to the Free Palestine Encampment detailing the agreement between the university and encampment representatives.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christ said in her letter that the campus is committed to ensuring investments are aligned with the UN Principles of Responsible Investments and will be “investigating the alignment of UC Berkeley’s investments with our institution’s core values,” including respect for equality, human rights, and abhorrence of war, although she noted that the University of California Office of the President has stated that “divestment from companies on the basis of whether or not they do business with or in Israel is not supported.” She also said that the decision to sell direct investments is decided by the UC regents, not the university chancellor.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We realized a lot of the power lies with the regents. A lot of this … is not as local as UC Berkeley,” Yousuf, a student organizer who gave only his first name for fear of retaliation, told KQED. “These tents are going down, but, you know, people are going to be here — today, tomorrow, the next day after that, and next semester especially.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As regents hold their bimonthly meetings at UC Merced — including committees related to investment and finance — activists are setting up a joint encampment on the campus, according to Raniwala.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A lot of these tents have packed up and gone to Merced,” Raniwala told KQED. “The California regents have been meeting there yesterday, today and tomorrow to discuss investments, academic policy, and a lot of other things, and I guess the protests across UC campuses plan to congregate there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Stories ","postid":"news_11986194,news_11985856,news_11985245"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Another of the UC Berkeley encampment’s demands was an academic boycott of Israel, which Christ said she did not support. However, the university agreed to review its global exchange and internship programs to ensure they are not violating the UC’s Anti-Discrimination Policy, Christ said in her letter, adding that any programs found in violation will be remedied or terminated.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Future programs will also be evaluated on a continuing basis, and the campus will develop a transparent process for reviewing complaints about academic programs by December. Christ said the UCB Divest Coalition and the Academic Senate Committee on Diversity, Equity, and Campus Climate will be invited to participate in the development of this process.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christ also said she would make a public statement “by the end of the month sharing my personal support for government officials’ efforts to secure an immediate and permanent cease-fire. Such support for the plight of Palestinians, including protest, should not be conflated with hatred or antisemitism.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While other universities have called in police or \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11984762/ucs-campus-safety-plan-under-fire-as-violence-breaks-out-at-ucla-protest\">seen violence at similar protests\u003c/a>, Berkeley’s camp has been largely peaceful.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The UC Office of the President, meanwhile, confirmed that the building in Oakland was damaged by vandalism on Saturday and was working with law enforcement to investigate. According to \u003ca href=\"https://www.indybay.org/newsitems/2024/05/14/18866217.php\">an anonymous post on Indybay.org\u003c/a>, a Bay Area independent media collective, people acting “in solidarity with the Palestinian Resistance” said they smashed seven windows, used a fire extinguisher to spray red paint on the building and released hundreds of cockroaches inside.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>Matthew Green of KQED News contributed to this report.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986306/uc-berkeley-encampment-is-packing-up-for-merced-heres-what-admin-agreed-to","authors":["byline_news_11986306"],"categories":["news_18540","news_8"],"tags":["news_20013","news_27626","news_33333","news_33647","news_17597"],"featImg":"news_11986327","label":"news"},"news_11986280":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986280","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986280","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"uc-stands-firm-on-32-billion-investment-plans-amid-pro-palestinian-calls-for-withdrawal","title":"UC Stands Firm on $32 Billion Investment Plans Amid Pro-Palestinian Calls for Withdrawal","publishDate":1715796593,"format":"standard","headTitle":"UC Stands Firm on $32 Billion Investment Plans Amid Pro-Palestinian Calls for Withdrawal | KQED","labelTerm":{"term":33681,"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>The University of California disclosed Tuesday that it has $32 billion invested in assets that pro-Palestinian protesters demand the university divest from, including weapons manufacturers that sell to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The disclosure came the same day that pro-Palestinian demonstrators at UC Berkeley, who have camped out in Sproul Plaza for nearly a month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986306/uc-berkeley-encampment-is-packing-up-for-merced-heres-what-admin-agreed-to\">dismantled their tents\u003c/a> after Chancellor Carol Christ met with organizers and\u003ca href=\"https://chancellor.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/encampment_letter_051424.pdf\"> agreed to take steps\u003c/a> to review the university’s investments to make sure they align with its “core values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those values include a respect for equality, human rights, a commitment to fostering the conditions for human growth and development, and an abhorrence of war,” Christ wrote in a letter to demonstrators on Tuesday. ” We should examine whether UC Berkeley’s investments continue to align with our values or should be modified in order to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christ added that the university will also develop a transparent process for assessing whether any of its global exchange and internship programs are out of step with the UC Anti-Discrimination Policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of activists who participated in the UC Berkeley encampment said they were headed to UC Merced, where the UC Board of Regents is holding its bimonthly meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of the regents meeting, protesters at UC Merced\u003ca href=\"https://abc30.com/post/pro-palestinian-protest-underway-uc-merced-campus-encampment/14810224/\"> set up a pro-Palestinian encampment on the campus\u003c/a>, making it the latest of UC’s 10 campuses to establish such an encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement posted on Instagram, organizers of the encampment wrote that they are demanding UC to divest, call for a cease-fire in Gaza and end ties with Israel, including study-abroad programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The UC regents are meeting on our campus. … They will hear us!” the organizers wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Chief Investment Officer Jagdeep Singh Bachher outlined UC’s current investment portfolio on Tuesday, the first day of the three-day regents meeting at UC Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bachher’s list responded to specific demands from the protesters and included broader investments in U.S. treasuries, which he added in response to the request that UC divest from assets that support Israel. “The answer to that question is the U.S. government,” he said, referring to the aid and weapons that the government sends to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full list of investments include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$3.3 billion in weapons manufacturers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$12 billion in U.S. Treasurys\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$163 million in BlackRock, an asset manager that owns shares of companies that support Israel\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$2.1 billion in investments managed for UC by BlackRock\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$8.6 billion in the investment firm Blackstone, also targeted by protesters\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$3.2 billion in 24 other companies targeted by protesters, including Coca-Cola and Disney\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“So if I interpret the questions and the responses mathematically with numbers, the letter sent to us would suggest that we should sell $32 billion of assets out of the $175 billion,” Bachher said, referring to the system’s entire investment portfolio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investments committee took no action toward divestment on Tuesday, nor did it suggest they considered doing so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reached Tuesday, a spokesperson for the system also said UC stands behind its April 26 statement opposing the idea of divestment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University of California has consistently opposed calls for boycott against and divestment from Israel,” UC said at the time. “While the University affirms the right of our community members to express diverse viewpoints, a boycott of this sort impinges on the academic freedom of our students and faculty and the unfettered exchange of ideas on our campuses.”[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='israel-hamas-war']Demands for UC and other universities to divest from Israel have heightened in recent weeks as pro-Palestinian encampments and protests have swept the country since last month, including at UCLA and other UC campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driving the encampments are calls for divestment from companies doing significant business with Israel. The protesters see universities as complicit in Israel’s war in Gaza. More than 35,000 people have been killed in Gaza, including many women and children, according to health authorities. Israel’s bombardment of Gaza followed the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel, which killed about 1,200 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s financial disclosures followed a lengthy public comment period in which many commenters called on UC to divest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to emphasize my support for the Palestinian encampment students and faculty and to strongly support their call for divestment from all investments in the military-industrial complex,” said Darlene Lee, a faculty member in UCLA’s teacher education program and a UCLA alum. “Educational funds should go towards education and community and not war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/uc-has-32-billion-in-assets-targeted-by-pro-palestinian-protesters-but-no-plans-to-divest/711864\">This story was first published on EdSource\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"UC's chief investment officer disclosed the university's investments in assets tied to Israel during Tuesday's meeting of the system's board of regents. ","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715809192,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":21,"wordCount":802},"headData":{"title":"UC Stands Firm on $32 Billion Investment Plans Amid Pro-Palestinian Calls for Withdrawal | KQED","description":"UC's chief investment officer disclosed the university's investments in assets tied to Israel during Tuesday's meeting of the system's board of regents. ","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"UC Stands Firm on $32 Billion Investment Plans Amid Pro-Palestinian Calls for Withdrawal","datePublished":"2024-05-15T18:09:53.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-15T21:39:52.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprByline":"Michael Burke, EdSource","nprStoryId":"kqed-11986280","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","showOnAuthorArchivePages":"No","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986280/uc-stands-firm-on-32-billion-investment-plans-amid-pro-palestinian-calls-for-withdrawal","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>The University of California disclosed Tuesday that it has $32 billion invested in assets that pro-Palestinian protesters demand the university divest from, including weapons manufacturers that sell to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The disclosure came the same day that pro-Palestinian demonstrators at UC Berkeley, who have camped out in Sproul Plaza for nearly a month, \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11986306/uc-berkeley-encampment-is-packing-up-for-merced-heres-what-admin-agreed-to\">dismantled their tents\u003c/a> after Chancellor Carol Christ met with organizers and\u003ca href=\"https://chancellor.berkeley.edu/sites/default/files/encampment_letter_051424.pdf\"> agreed to take steps\u003c/a> to review the university’s investments to make sure they align with its “core values.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Those values include a respect for equality, human rights, a commitment to fostering the conditions for human growth and development, and an abhorrence of war,” Christ wrote in a letter to demonstrators on Tuesday. ” We should examine whether UC Berkeley’s investments continue to align with our values or should be modified in order to do so.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Christ added that the university will also develop a transparent process for assessing whether any of its global exchange and internship programs are out of step with the UC Anti-Discrimination Policy.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A number of activists who participated in the UC Berkeley encampment said they were headed to UC Merced, where the UC Board of Regents is holding its bimonthly meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Ahead of the regents meeting, protesters at UC Merced\u003ca href=\"https://abc30.com/post/pro-palestinian-protest-underway-uc-merced-campus-encampment/14810224/\"> set up a pro-Palestinian encampment on the campus\u003c/a>, making it the latest of UC’s 10 campuses to establish such an encampment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a statement posted on Instagram, organizers of the encampment wrote that they are demanding UC to divest, call for a cease-fire in Gaza and end ties with Israel, including study-abroad programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The UC regents are meeting on our campus. … They will hear us!” the organizers wrote.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>UC Chief Investment Officer Jagdeep Singh Bachher outlined UC’s current investment portfolio on Tuesday, the first day of the three-day regents meeting at UC Merced.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Bachher’s list responded to specific demands from the protesters and included broader investments in U.S. treasuries, which he added in response to the request that UC divest from assets that support Israel. “The answer to that question is the U.S. government,” he said, referring to the aid and weapons that the government sends to Israel.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The full list of investments include:\u003c/p>\n\u003cul>\n\u003cli>$3.3 billion in weapons manufacturers\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$12 billion in U.S. Treasurys\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$163 million in BlackRock, an asset manager that owns shares of companies that support Israel\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$2.1 billion in investments managed for UC by BlackRock\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$8.6 billion in the investment firm Blackstone, also targeted by protesters\u003c/li>\n\u003cli>$3.2 billion in 24 other companies targeted by protesters, including Coca-Cola and Disney\u003c/li>\n\u003c/ul>\n\u003cp>“So if I interpret the questions and the responses mathematically with numbers, the letter sent to us would suggest that we should sell $32 billion of assets out of the $175 billion,” Bachher said, referring to the system’s entire investment portfolio.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The investments committee took no action toward divestment on Tuesday, nor did it suggest they considered doing so.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When reached Tuesday, a spokesperson for the system also said UC stands behind its April 26 statement opposing the idea of divestment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The University of California has consistently opposed calls for boycott against and divestment from Israel,” UC said at the time. “While the University affirms the right of our community members to express diverse viewpoints, a boycott of this sort impinges on the academic freedom of our students and faculty and the unfettered exchange of ideas on our campuses.”\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Coverage ","tag":"israel-hamas-war"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Demands for UC and other universities to divest from Israel have heightened in recent weeks as pro-Palestinian encampments and protests have swept the country since last month, including at UCLA and other UC campuses.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Driving the encampments are calls for divestment from companies doing significant business with Israel. The protesters see universities as complicit in Israel’s war in Gaza. More than 35,000 people have been killed in Gaza, including many women and children, according to health authorities. Israel’s bombardment of Gaza followed the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel, which killed about 1,200 people.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Tuesday’s financial disclosures followed a lengthy public comment period in which many commenters called on UC to divest.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I wanted to emphasize my support for the Palestinian encampment students and faculty and to strongly support their call for divestment from all investments in the military-industrial complex,” said Darlene Lee, a faculty member in UCLA’s teacher education program and a UCLA alum. “Educational funds should go towards education and community and not war.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>\u003ca href=\"https://edsource.org/2024/uc-has-32-billion-in-assets-targeted-by-pro-palestinian-protesters-but-no-plans-to-divest/711864\">This story was first published on EdSource\u003c/a>.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986280/uc-stands-firm-on-32-billion-investment-plans-amid-pro-palestinian-calls-for-withdrawal","authors":["byline_news_11986280"],"categories":["news_31795","news_18540","news_8"],"tags":["news_6631","news_33333","news_17597"],"affiliates":["news_33681"],"featImg":"news_11984188","label":"news_33681"},"news_11986383":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986383","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986383","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"when-will-highway-1-big-sur-reopen","title":"Highway 1 to Big Sur Reopens This Week — What to Know About Visiting from the Bay Area","publishDate":1715869850,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Highway 1 to Big Sur Reopens This Week — What to Know About Visiting from the Bay Area | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>“When will Highway 1 reopen?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, that’s been the question for many Bay Area residents hoping to drive south to visit Big Sur — the remote coastal region cut off since March 30, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905691/the-uncertain-future-of-iconic-battered-highway-1\">a rockslide forced the closure of this iconic stretch of road\u003c/a>. Now, there’s an answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The affected portion of U.S. Highway 1 at Rocky Creek Bridge, around 17 miles south of Monterey, will reopen to traffic on Friday, May 17, at 6:30 a.m. — \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/03/highway-1-targeted-to-reopen-by-may-25-as-governor-takes-action-to-support-repairs-in-topanga-canyon-and-other-communities-damaged-by-storms/\">eight days earlier than previously announced\u003c/a> — and will allow 24/7 traffic south into Big Sur again. For the last two months, residents and visitors have only been allowed in and out of the region twice a day in convoys, using the still-intact northbound lane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rocky Creek closure came on the heels of \u003cem>another \u003c/em>Highway 1 closure further south around the town of Lucia — a longer stretch of the coastal highway closed by a similar rockslide over a year ago. But while that Lucia closure remains in place, Friday’s reopening means Bay Area residents can once again access Big Sur from the north.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve been eagerly awaiting this Highway 1 reopening and want to plan a long-delayed trip to Big Sur this summer, there are several things that prospective visitors to the region should know. Keep reading for a number of updates about visiting Big Sur this year, even if you’ve been there before — and some advice on being the best tourist to Big Sur from the Bay you can possibly be.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>You still can’t drive Highway 1 all the way to L.A. — yet\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Highway 1 closure at Paul’s Slide around the town of Lucia has been in effect since January 2023. And because it’s an entirely separate reopening operation to the Rocky Creek “slip-out” to the north, this southern stretch will remain closed after Friday even as that other part of Highway 1 reopens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of this week, there’s still no firm date for the Lucia highway closure to reopen, although \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-05-14/highway-1-in-big-sur-to-reopen\">Caltrans said they hope to open this stretch of Highway 1 sometime this summer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986500\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur.png\" alt=\"A blue and green toned map of the California Central Coast showing the closures along Highway 1.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1409\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-800x587.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-1020x749.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-160x117.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-1536x1127.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The current closures along this stretch of Highway 1 through Big Sur, as seen before Friday’s reopening at Rocky Creek. \u003ccite>(Courtesy CalTrans)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That means until that reopening at Lucia occurs, there is simply no way to drive from the Bay Area on Highway 1 through Big Sur to the Central Coast and Southern California. And because no roads over the Santa Lucia mountains connect Highway 1 to Highway 101, anyone wanting to complete that journey from the Bay would have to double back at the Lucia closure and drive to at least Monterey to access those other routes to Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since \u003ca href=\"https://www.travelandleisure.com/trip-ideas/road-trips/pacific-coast-highway-itinerary\">the San-Francisco-to-LA Pacific Coast Highway \u003c/a>road trip is a longstanding tradition not just for state residents but for countless visitors to the West Coast, the fact that it remains physically impossible to drive right now is still catching folks by surprise, said Ben Perlmutter, managing partner at the Big Sur River Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see it all the time,” he said — attributing it at least, in part, to “just the nature of the way people are when they’re on vacation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Prepare for an already-slow drive to get even slower\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just because Highway 1 reopens on Friday at Rocky Creek doesn’t mean it’s \u003cem>fully \u003c/em>reopening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead,\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/14/governor-newsom-announces-the-reopening-of-highway-1-ahead-of-schedule/\"> drivers approaching this area will be met with a 24/7 timed signal \u003c/a>allowing one-way alternating traffic through in both directions, using only the northbound lane that wasn’t impacted by the rockslide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986441\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Road workers from Treichert Construction finish creating a temporary one-way roadway on the site of the U.S. Highway 1 road collapse, called the Rocky Creek Slip in Big Sur, California, on Saturday, April 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Melina Mara/The Washington Post via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because the signal means one direction of traffic has to “wait its turn,” you should anticipate extra journey time traveling into Big Sur — added onto an already leisurely journey where the speed limit is 55 miles per hour maximum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(But hopefully, you already know that Big Sur is not the place to visit if you’re in a hurry.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Plan for an almost total lack of cellphone service\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even for people excited to enjoy Big Sur’s remoteness, the complete lack of cellphone coverage in much of this region — and the unavailability of high-speed Wi-Fi in the region’s businesses — can still come as a surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Big Sur River Inn’s Perlmutter, who was born and raised in Big Sur, said that the very first thing many visitors to his hotel and restaurant do after completing the winding drive south from Carmel is to “look for cell service: ‘I need to text mom … I need to tell my significant other that I’m still alive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And, of course, they don’t \u003cem>have\u003c/em> cell service — and a lot of them end up getting kind of frustrated,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, for many visitors, the lack of connectivity is a plus rather than a drawback. But for those who really need to find signal, Perlmutter recommends asking workers in Big Sur’s local businesses for their advice. They’ll likely know the spots, turnouts and parking lots where you might find spots of coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But also, you’re here in Big Sur,” he noted. “Maybe take a couple of breaths, relax a little bit, and soak it in — like, hey, guess what? You’re not going to get a work email when you’re down here, and that could be really awesome for the next 24–48 hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you use Google Maps for navigation, consider downloading an offline map of Big Sur before you leave, which you can use without cellphone service. \u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/maps/answer/6291838?hl=en&co=GENIE.Platform%3DiOS&oco=0\">Read a guide to downloading offline Google Maps on your iPhone or Android\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Don’t underestimate the challenging drive of Highway 1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’ve never driven Highway 1 through Big Sur before, the steep and winding nature of this road can come as a shock, especially if you’re more accustomed to city or freeway driving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you need to take it slower on Highway 1’s curves or simply don’t want to rush your way through the incredible ocean views, that’s OK — but remain mindful of any cars behind you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986444\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986444\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A hole is visible where a section of southbound Highway 1 broke off and fell into the ocean at Rocky Creek Bridge on April 02, 2024, near Big Sur, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Highway 1 contains many turnouts for a reason, so just pull over to allow others to pass. Not only will you get to linger and enjoy the scenery from there — or as Perlmutter said, “any turnout would be a beautiful campsite if you were allowed to camp [there]” — but you’ll be avoiding an impatient driver behind you attempting to overtake you on Big Sur’s steep winding roads which might cause a potentially dangerous situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you just want to pull over to take a picture? Make sure you’re parked in a safe place that’s \u003cem>completely \u003c/em>off the highway, totally within the white road markings — especially if you’re parked near a bend, where oncoming traffic can’t necessarily see you.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Double-check Highway 1 conditions \u003cem>before \u003c/em>you leave\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To stay up-to-date on the latest road conditions, and to be sure your route isn’t impacted by any new closures or delays you weren’t anticipating, consider using \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/\">Caltrans’ own QuickMap site\u003c/a>, or \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/QM/app.htm\">the QuickMap app (available on the App Store and Google Play)\u003c/a>. This map uses Caltrans’ data to show you the latest road conditions and travel information so you can be prepared ahead of your journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When first using QuickMap, hit “Options” on either the website or the app, and select all the options you want to see on the map, including “Full closures” and “Highway information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once you’ve done this, you can zoom into the Big Sur area on the map, just as you would using Google Maps. You can then tap on the icons you see on the map to learn more about what they mean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember: Given the lack of cellphone coverage that awaits you in Big Sur, you’ll want to do all of this \u003cem>before \u003c/em>you enter the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Leave no trace; pick up your trash\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Big Sur draws people from all around the globe for its beauty, so do your part in keeping it that way. Perlmutter said that reminding visitors to Big Sur not to litter the landscape is “first and foremost the most important thing” for residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Be sure to pick up all your trash, and consider keeping a trash bag or two in your car to aid you in that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Finally: Be prepared for the unpredictable\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Big Sur’s stunning coastal landscape is the very thing that makes it so vulnerable to events like these highway slip-outs.[aside postID=news_11984496 hero='https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_0768-3-1020x765.jpg']“We’re talking about the steepest mountain range along the coast in the lower 48,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905691/the-uncertain-future-of-iconic-battered-highway-1\">Jonathan Warrick, a research geologist based in Santa Cruz with the United States Geological Survey, told KQED Forum\u003c/a>. “Most of the range of Big Sur is about a thousand feet high, and it plummets straight down into the ocean.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big Sur, explained Warrick, gets a lot of rainfall — which, combined with its steepness, means the landscape “erodes quite quickly,” at a rate of “about a foot a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perched right along this coast is the only road in and out of the region: Highway 1. And it’s accordingly vulnerable to “all kinds of things, from simple rock falls to massive, deep-seated landslides that are undermining the roadway,” Warrick said — and “these types of landslides that cause road closures increase during the wet winters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, if you’re planning to visit Big Sur during or after a period of wet weather, remember that this kind of rainfall has historically increased the chances of a slip-out along the coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If another Highway 1 closure strikes before your trip:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s always frustrating when a much-anticipated vacation is affected by unforeseen circumstances. But don’t panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, be sure to check if any highway closures will actually affect your route using a resource like \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/\">Caltrans’ QuickMap site\u003c/a>. And if they do, and you have accommodation reserved that you’re unsure you’ll be able to physically reach, the Big Sur River Inn’s Perlmutter recommends giving that establishment a call straightaway to see what they know about access and what’s possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slip-outs that force Highway 1 closures have hit local businesses hard by cutting off most tourist access — and Perlmutter suggests that travelers who want a way to keep supporting these local businesses might consider \u003cem>rescheduling\u003c/em> a reservation to a later month if they’re able, rather than canceling it outright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/amadrigal\">\u003cem>Alexis Madrigal\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/avignet\">\u003cem>Anna Vignet\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"U.S. Highway 1 into Big Sur has been closed since a rockslide on March 30. With reopening set for Friday, here's what to know about visiting again.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715904618,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":41,"wordCount":1984},"headData":{"title":"Highway 1 to Big Sur Reopens This Week — What to Know About Visiting from the Bay Area | KQED","description":"U.S. Highway 1 into Big Sur has been closed since a rockslide on March 30. With reopening set for Friday, here's what to know about visiting again.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Highway 1 to Big Sur Reopens This Week — What to Know About Visiting from the Bay Area","datePublished":"2024-05-16T14:30:50.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-17T00:10:18.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11986383","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986383/when-will-highway-1-big-sur-reopen","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>“When will Highway 1 reopen?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For months, that’s been the question for many Bay Area residents hoping to drive south to visit Big Sur — the remote coastal region cut off since March 30, when \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905691/the-uncertain-future-of-iconic-battered-highway-1\">a rockslide forced the closure of this iconic stretch of road\u003c/a>. Now, there’s an answer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The affected portion of U.S. Highway 1 at Rocky Creek Bridge, around 17 miles south of Monterey, will reopen to traffic on Friday, May 17, at 6:30 a.m. — \u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/03/highway-1-targeted-to-reopen-by-may-25-as-governor-takes-action-to-support-repairs-in-topanga-canyon-and-other-communities-damaged-by-storms/\">eight days earlier than previously announced\u003c/a> — and will allow 24/7 traffic south into Big Sur again. For the last two months, residents and visitors have only been allowed in and out of the region twice a day in convoys, using the still-intact northbound lane.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Rocky Creek closure came on the heels of \u003cem>another \u003c/em>Highway 1 closure further south around the town of Lucia — a longer stretch of the coastal highway closed by a similar rockslide over a year ago. But while that Lucia closure remains in place, Friday’s reopening means Bay Area residents can once again access Big Sur from the north.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you’ve been eagerly awaiting this Highway 1 reopening and want to plan a long-delayed trip to Big Sur this summer, there are several things that prospective visitors to the region should know. Keep reading for a number of updates about visiting Big Sur this year, even if you’ve been there before — and some advice on being the best tourist to Big Sur from the Bay you can possibly be.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>You still can’t drive Highway 1 all the way to L.A. — yet\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>The Highway 1 closure at Paul’s Slide around the town of Lucia has been in effect since January 2023. And because it’s an entirely separate reopening operation to the Rocky Creek “slip-out” to the north, this southern stretch will remain closed after Friday even as that other part of Highway 1 reopens.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As of this week, there’s still no firm date for the Lucia highway closure to reopen, although \u003ca href=\"https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2024-05-14/highway-1-in-big-sur-to-reopen\">Caltrans said they hope to open this stretch of Highway 1 sometime this summer\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986500\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986500\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur.png\" alt=\"A blue and green toned map of the California Central Coast showing the closures along Highway 1.\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1409\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur.png 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-800x587.png 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-1020x749.png 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-160x117.png 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/big-sur-1536x1127.png 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The current closures along this stretch of Highway 1 through Big Sur, as seen before Friday’s reopening at Rocky Creek. \u003ccite>(Courtesy CalTrans)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>That means until that reopening at Lucia occurs, there is simply no way to drive from the Bay Area on Highway 1 through Big Sur to the Central Coast and Southern California. And because no roads over the Santa Lucia mountains connect Highway 1 to Highway 101, anyone wanting to complete that journey from the Bay would have to double back at the Lucia closure and drive to at least Monterey to access those other routes to Southern California.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Since \u003ca href=\"https://www.travelandleisure.com/trip-ideas/road-trips/pacific-coast-highway-itinerary\">the San-Francisco-to-LA Pacific Coast Highway \u003c/a>road trip is a longstanding tradition not just for state residents but for countless visitors to the West Coast, the fact that it remains physically impossible to drive right now is still catching folks by surprise, said Ben Perlmutter, managing partner at the Big Sur River Inn.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see it all the time,” he said — attributing it at least, in part, to “just the nature of the way people are when they’re on vacation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Prepare for an already-slow drive to get even slower\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Just because Highway 1 reopens on Friday at Rocky Creek doesn’t mean it’s \u003cem>fully \u003c/em>reopening.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Instead,\u003ca href=\"https://www.gov.ca.gov/2024/05/14/governor-newsom-announces-the-reopening-of-highway-1-ahead-of-schedule/\"> drivers approaching this area will be met with a 24/7 timed signal \u003c/a>allowing one-way alternating traffic through in both directions, using only the northbound lane that wasn’t impacted by the rockslide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986441\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986441\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/BigSur02-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Road workers from Treichert Construction finish creating a temporary one-way roadway on the site of the U.S. Highway 1 road collapse, called the Rocky Creek Slip in Big Sur, California, on Saturday, April 6, 2024. \u003ccite>(Melina Mara/The Washington Post via Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Because the signal means one direction of traffic has to “wait its turn,” you should anticipate extra journey time traveling into Big Sur — added onto an already leisurely journey where the speed limit is 55 miles per hour maximum.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>(But hopefully, you already know that Big Sur is not the place to visit if you’re in a hurry.)\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Plan for an almost total lack of cellphone service\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Even for people excited to enjoy Big Sur’s remoteness, the complete lack of cellphone coverage in much of this region — and the unavailability of high-speed Wi-Fi in the region’s businesses — can still come as a surprise.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The Big Sur River Inn’s Perlmutter, who was born and raised in Big Sur, said that the very first thing many visitors to his hotel and restaurant do after completing the winding drive south from Carmel is to “look for cell service: ‘I need to text mom … I need to tell my significant other that I’m still alive.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“And, of course, they don’t \u003cem>have\u003c/em> cell service — and a lot of them end up getting kind of frustrated,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Of course, for many visitors, the lack of connectivity is a plus rather than a drawback. But for those who really need to find signal, Perlmutter recommends asking workers in Big Sur’s local businesses for their advice. They’ll likely know the spots, turnouts and parking lots where you might find spots of coverage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“But also, you’re here in Big Sur,” he noted. “Maybe take a couple of breaths, relax a little bit, and soak it in — like, hey, guess what? You’re not going to get a work email when you’re down here, and that could be really awesome for the next 24–48 hours.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you use Google Maps for navigation, consider downloading an offline map of Big Sur before you leave, which you can use without cellphone service. \u003ca href=\"https://support.google.com/maps/answer/6291838?hl=en&co=GENIE.Platform%3DiOS&oco=0\">Read a guide to downloading offline Google Maps on your iPhone or Android\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Don’t underestimate the challenging drive of Highway 1\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>If you’ve never driven Highway 1 through Big Sur before, the steep and winding nature of this road can come as a shock, especially if you’re more accustomed to city or freeway driving.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If you need to take it slower on Highway 1’s curves or simply don’t want to rush your way through the incredible ocean views, that’s OK — but remain mindful of any cars behind you.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986444\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 1920px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986444\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"1920\" height=\"1280\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/GettyImages-2134103658-1536x1024.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 1920px) 100vw, 1920px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">A hole is visible where a section of southbound Highway 1 broke off and fell into the ocean at Rocky Creek Bridge on April 02, 2024, near Big Sur, California. \u003ccite>(Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Highway 1 contains many turnouts for a reason, so just pull over to allow others to pass. Not only will you get to linger and enjoy the scenery from there — or as Perlmutter said, “any turnout would be a beautiful campsite if you were allowed to camp [there]” — but you’ll be avoiding an impatient driver behind you attempting to overtake you on Big Sur’s steep winding roads which might cause a potentially dangerous situation.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>And if you just want to pull over to take a picture? Make sure you’re parked in a safe place that’s \u003cem>completely \u003c/em>off the highway, totally within the white road markings — especially if you’re parked near a bend, where oncoming traffic can’t necessarily see you.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Double-check Highway 1 conditions \u003cem>before \u003c/em>you leave\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>To stay up-to-date on the latest road conditions, and to be sure your route isn’t impacted by any new closures or delays you weren’t anticipating, consider using \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/\">Caltrans’ own QuickMap site\u003c/a>, or \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/QM/app.htm\">the QuickMap app (available on the App Store and Google Play)\u003c/a>. This map uses Caltrans’ data to show you the latest road conditions and travel information so you can be prepared ahead of your journey.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>When first using QuickMap, hit “Options” on either the website or the app, and select all the options you want to see on the map, including “Full closures” and “Highway information.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Once you’ve done this, you can zoom into the Big Sur area on the map, just as you would using Google Maps. You can then tap on the icons you see on the map to learn more about what they mean.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Remember: Given the lack of cellphone coverage that awaits you in Big Sur, you’ll want to do all of this \u003cem>before \u003c/em>you enter the region.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Leave no trace; pick up your trash\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Big Sur draws people from all around the globe for its beauty, so do your part in keeping it that way. Perlmutter said that reminding visitors to Big Sur not to litter the landscape is “first and foremost the most important thing” for residents.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Be sure to pick up all your trash, and consider keeping a trash bag or two in your car to aid you in that.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Finally: Be prepared for the unpredictable\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Big Sur’s stunning coastal landscape is the very thing that makes it so vulnerable to events like these highway slip-outs.\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11984496","hero":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/IMG_0768-3-1020x765.jpg","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>“We’re talking about the steepest mountain range along the coast in the lower 48,” \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/forum/2010101905691/the-uncertain-future-of-iconic-battered-highway-1\">Jonathan Warrick, a research geologist based in Santa Cruz with the United States Geological Survey, told KQED Forum\u003c/a>. “Most of the range of Big Sur is about a thousand feet high, and it plummets straight down into the ocean.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Big Sur, explained Warrick, gets a lot of rainfall — which, combined with its steepness, means the landscape “erodes quite quickly,” at a rate of “about a foot a year.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Perched right along this coast is the only road in and out of the region: Highway 1. And it’s accordingly vulnerable to “all kinds of things, from simple rock falls to massive, deep-seated landslides that are undermining the roadway,” Warrick said — and “these types of landslides that cause road closures increase during the wet winters.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So, if you’re planning to visit Big Sur during or after a period of wet weather, remember that this kind of rainfall has historically increased the chances of a slip-out along the coast.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cstrong>If another Highway 1 closure strikes before your trip:\u003c/strong>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>It’s always frustrating when a much-anticipated vacation is affected by unforeseen circumstances. But don’t panic.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>First, be sure to check if any highway closures will actually affect your route using a resource like \u003ca href=\"https://quickmap.dot.ca.gov/\">Caltrans’ QuickMap site\u003c/a>. And if they do, and you have accommodation reserved that you’re unsure you’ll be able to physically reach, the Big Sur River Inn’s Perlmutter recommends giving that establishment a call straightaway to see what they know about access and what’s possible.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Slip-outs that force Highway 1 closures have hit local businesses hard by cutting off most tourist access — and Perlmutter suggests that travelers who want a way to keep supporting these local businesses might consider \u003cem>rescheduling\u003c/em> a reservation to a later month if they’re able, rather than canceling it outright.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cem>KQED’s \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/amadrigal\">\u003cem>Alexis Madrigal\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> and \u003c/em>\u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/author/avignet\">\u003cem>Anna Vignet\u003c/em>\u003c/a>\u003cem> contributed to this story.\u003c/em>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986383/when-will-highway-1-big-sur-reopen","authors":["3243"],"categories":["news_31795","news_19906","news_8"],"tags":["news_32707","news_5369","news_18538","news_20116","news_566"],"featImg":"news_11986406","label":"news"},"news_11986281":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986281","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986281","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"half-moon-bay-farmworker-housing-gains-approval-after-push-by-newsom","title":"Half Moon Bay Farmworker Housing Gains Approval After Push by Newsom","publishDate":1715792027,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Half Moon Bay Farmworker Housing Gains Approval After Push by Newsom | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>Half Moon Bay planning commissioners approved a new apartment building for low-income senior farmworkers on Tuesday night, following a protracted debate that drew a strongly worded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985585/newsom-threatens-half-moon-bay-with-legal-action-over-delays-in-approving-farmworker-housing\">threat of legal action from Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> over the delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote on the 40-unit affordable housing project, which took on urgency last year after a mass shooting by a disgruntled farmworker revealed workers’ poor living conditions, came near midnight, at the end of a five-hour meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belinda Hernández-Arriaga, the executive director of Ayudando Latinos A Soñar, a community organization serving the immigrant farmworkers of the San Mateo County coast, said she was thankful to the commission for moving the project forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This vote is for one of the most vulnerable community groups,” said Hernández-Arriaga, whose organization, known as ALAS, paired with nonprofit developer Mercy Housing to develop the project proposal. “Hopefully, the next step with the city council will bring us all together to give the farmworkers the housing that they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the project was debated at three different hearings in three weeks, some commissioners and members of the public raised concerns that the five-story building was too tall and out of character with Half Moon Bay’s \u003ca href=\"https://legistarweb-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/attachment/pdf/2615131/11._Public_Comments_05.09.2024_thru_05.10.2024.pdf\">“small-town charm.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/planning-and-community/HAU/Half-Moon-Bay-HAU-919-LOSTA-05102024.pdf\">in a letter\u003c/a> following Newsom’s remarks, the head of the state’s Housing Accountability Unit told commissioners that state law limits their ability to reject affordable housing projects over questions of “character” if they meet local development standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to community concerns about height and density, Mercy Housing told the commission that it was willing to lower the building by a half story and reduce the number of two-bedroom apartments from eight to two.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commissioners welcomed those offerings, but several expressed frustration that the building was still larger than the initial four-story proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This seems like a big pill to swallow because it definitely exceeds the scope of what anybody envisioned,” said Commissioner Rick Hernandez, who acknowledged that the state’s housing laws bound them to accept the project. “But we have an obligation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a disgruntled farmworker shot and killed seven co-workers at two Half Moon Bay mushroom farms last year, Newsom and other elected officials toured the scenes and learned that workers had been living in squalid conditions, without heat or running water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986205\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquin Jimenez speaks at a vigil for victims of the Half Moon Bay mass shooting, which left seven dead and one wounded, in Half Moon Bay on Jan. 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Local officials moved to find temporary lodging for the 38 survivors, inspect housing on other San Mateo County farms, and invest in critically needed permanent affordable housing for agricultural workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo County’s $100 million agriculture industry is centered around Half Moon Bay and depends on an estimated 2,000 farmworkers, who typically earn little more than minimum wage. Yet the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985468/map-what-you-need-to-earn-to-afford-a-median-priced-home-in-your-county-in-california\">county’s median home price is over $1.9 million\u003c/a>, the most expensive in California. A 2016 survey found that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/housing/agricultural-workforce-housing-needs-assessment\">county needs at least 1,000 units of farmworker housing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not new to the coast. We know we need housing. Ten years ago, we knew that,” Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquín Jiménez said. “We need to provide housing for low-income farm workers. We have to, and we want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside label='Related Coverage' tag='half-moon-bay-shooting']The apartment project, on a city-owned parcel at 555 Kelly Ave., has the support of city staff, who have been working with Mercy Housing and ALAS on plans since 2022. The building will also house a farmworker resource center run by ALAS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent memo to the commissioners, Mercy Housing and ALAS staff said that they have secured $8 million in federal, state and local funding for the project, which is expected to cost $42 million, according to Hernández-Arriaga. The planning commission’s approval will now allow them to apply for federal low-income housing tax credits this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It represents a lot of hope,” Hernández-Arriaga said. “For senior farmworkers having housing, living out their lives with dignity, being able to walk to church, to stores and the library. It’s a beautiful opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the commission’s vote is appealed, the project will go to the city council for consideration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, another Half Moon Bay farmworker housing project — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">47 manufactured homes for very low-income families\u003c/a>, including those displaced from the mushroom farms — is due to break ground in the coming weeks on another plot of city land and could be ready for move-in early next year.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"The governor urged the planning commission to approve the 40-unit project, a little over a year after a mass shooting on two farms revealed deplorable conditions for farmworkers.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715798480,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":20,"wordCount":819},"headData":{"title":"Half Moon Bay Farmworker Housing Gains Approval After Push by Newsom | KQED","description":"The governor urged the planning commission to approve the 40-unit project, a little over a year after a mass shooting on two farms revealed deplorable conditions for farmworkers.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Half Moon Bay Farmworker Housing Gains Approval After Push by Newsom","datePublished":"2024-05-15T16:53:47.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-15T18:41:20.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-41c5-bcaf-aaef00f5a073/329460ca-e954-4a4e-976d-b171013189ea/audio.mp3","sticky":false,"nprStoryId":"kqed-11986281","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986281/half-moon-bay-farmworker-housing-gains-approval-after-push-by-newsom","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>Half Moon Bay planning commissioners approved a new apartment building for low-income senior farmworkers on Tuesday night, following a protracted debate that drew a strongly worded \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985585/newsom-threatens-half-moon-bay-with-legal-action-over-delays-in-approving-farmworker-housing\">threat of legal action from Gov. Gavin Newsom\u003c/a> over the delay.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The vote on the 40-unit affordable housing project, which took on urgency last year after a mass shooting by a disgruntled farmworker revealed workers’ poor living conditions, came near midnight, at the end of a five-hour meeting.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Belinda Hernández-Arriaga, the executive director of Ayudando Latinos A Soñar, a community organization serving the immigrant farmworkers of the San Mateo County coast, said she was thankful to the commission for moving the project forward.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This vote is for one of the most vulnerable community groups,” said Hernández-Arriaga, whose organization, known as ALAS, paired with nonprofit developer Mercy Housing to develop the project proposal. “Hopefully, the next step with the city council will bring us all together to give the farmworkers the housing that they need.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>As the project was debated at three different hearings in three weeks, some commissioners and members of the public raised concerns that the five-story building was too tall and out of character with Half Moon Bay’s \u003ca href=\"https://legistarweb-production.s3.amazonaws.com/uploads/attachment/pdf/2615131/11._Public_Comments_05.09.2024_thru_05.10.2024.pdf\">“small-town charm.”\u003c/a>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, \u003ca href=\"https://www.hcd.ca.gov/sites/default/files/docs/planning-and-community/HAU/Half-Moon-Bay-HAU-919-LOSTA-05102024.pdf\">in a letter\u003c/a> following Newsom’s remarks, the head of the state’s Housing Accountability Unit told commissioners that state law limits their ability to reject affordable housing projects over questions of “character” if they meet local development standards.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In response to community concerns about height and density, Mercy Housing told the commission that it was willing to lower the building by a half story and reduce the number of two-bedroom apartments from eight to two.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Commissioners welcomed those offerings, but several expressed frustration that the building was still larger than the initial four-story proposal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This seems like a big pill to swallow because it definitely exceeds the scope of what anybody envisioned,” said Commissioner Rick Hernandez, who acknowledged that the state’s housing laws bound them to accept the project. “But we have an obligation.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>After a disgruntled farmworker shot and killed seven co-workers at two Half Moon Bay mushroom farms last year, Newsom and other elected officials toured the scenes and learned that workers had been living in squalid conditions, without heat or running water.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986205\" class=\"wp-caption alignnone\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986205\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/035_KQED_HMBMASSSHOOTINGVIGIL_01272023-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquin Jimenez speaks at a vigil for victims of the Half Moon Bay mass shooting, which left seven dead and one wounded, in Half Moon Bay on Jan. 27, 2023. \u003ccite>(Beth LaBerge/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Local officials moved to find temporary lodging for the 38 survivors, inspect housing on other San Mateo County farms, and invest in critically needed permanent affordable housing for agricultural workers.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>San Mateo County’s $100 million agriculture industry is centered around Half Moon Bay and depends on an estimated 2,000 farmworkers, who typically earn little more than minimum wage. Yet the \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11985468/map-what-you-need-to-earn-to-afford-a-median-priced-home-in-your-county-in-california\">county’s median home price is over $1.9 million\u003c/a>, the most expensive in California. A 2016 survey found that the \u003ca href=\"https://www.smcgov.org/housing/agricultural-workforce-housing-needs-assessment\">county needs at least 1,000 units of farmworker housing\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“This is not new to the coast. We know we need housing. Ten years ago, we knew that,” Half Moon Bay Mayor Joaquín Jiménez said. “We need to provide housing for low-income farm workers. We have to, and we want to.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"label":"Related Coverage ","tag":"half-moon-bay-shooting"},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>The apartment project, on a city-owned parcel at 555 Kelly Ave., has the support of city staff, who have been working with Mercy Housing and ALAS on plans since 2022. The building will also house a farmworker resource center run by ALAS.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>In a recent memo to the commissioners, Mercy Housing and ALAS staff said that they have secured $8 million in federal, state and local funding for the project, which is expected to cost $42 million, according to Hernández-Arriaga. The planning commission’s approval will now allow them to apply for federal low-income housing tax credits this summer.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It represents a lot of hope,” Hernández-Arriaga said. “For senior farmworkers having housing, living out their lives with dignity, being able to walk to church, to stores and the library. It’s a beautiful opportunity.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>If the commission’s vote is appealed, the project will go to the city council for consideration.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Meanwhile, another Half Moon Bay farmworker housing project — \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982817/half-moon-bay-prepares-to-break-ground-on-farmworker-housing\">47 manufactured homes for very low-income families\u003c/a>, including those displaced from the mushroom farms — is due to break ground in the coming weeks on another plot of city land and could be ready for move-in early next year.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986281/half-moon-bay-farmworker-housing-gains-approval-after-push-by-newsom","authors":["259"],"categories":["news_8"],"tags":["news_27626","news_16","news_32350","news_32332","news_1775","news_20202","news_25409"],"featImg":"news_11986221","label":"news"},"news_11986380":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11986380","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11986380","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"prop-47-has-saved-california-millions-these-are-the-programs-its-funded","title":"Prop 47 Has Saved California Millions. These Are the Programs It's Funded","publishDate":1715864449,"format":"standard","headTitle":"Prop 47 Has Saved California Millions. These Are the Programs It’s Funded | KQED","labelTerm":{"site":"news"},"content":"\u003cp>In 1997, Tommy Eugene Lewis III was \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/people-v-lewis-853\">sentenced\u003c/a> to 41 years to life in state prison for attempted murder after he shot and injured another driver. He was 18 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years ago, at 43, Lewis was released from prison. He’d spent his entire adult life behind bars and wasn’t sure what was next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A friend directed him to the Center for Employment Opportunity (CEO), a nonprofit located near Skid Row in Los Angeles, which, despite its proximity, feels like a world apart. Housed in a modern, light-filled office complex above boutiques and restaurants, CEO more closely resembles a tech office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[pullquote size=\"medium\" align=\"right\" citation=\"Tinisch Hollins, executive director, Californians for Safety and Justice\"]‘Proposition 47 is clearly demonstrating that when we take a broad and shared approach to safety that isn’t overly reliant on enforcement and prison incarceration, we get better safety outcomes.’[/pullquote]Offering more than just employment, CEO provides housing assistance, support services like legal aid and helps connect people with behavioral health specialists or therapists. Participants also receive same-day payment for their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They literally became like my side partner [and] my support network coming home,” said Lewis, who’s now employed as a peer navigator at CEO, helping other people as they enter the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you come home from incarceration, it’s very important to know that you have some people in your corner that can really assist you in your day-to-day living. Because it’s a different thing when you can’t have somewhere to stay or some food in your stomach or clothes on your back,” he said. “These are the things that will immediately make a person go to criminal thinking, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO is a grantee of Project imPACT, a program run by the Los Angeles Mayor’s Office of Reentry. It’s funded through California’s Proposition 47, which diverts money from incarcerating lower-level drug users and thieves and redirects it to reentry and rehabilitation programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An office building with chairs, computers, tables and pictures on the walls.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CEO offices in downtown Los Angeles are adorned with art and motivational passages adorning the walls on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So far, the state has awarded more than $300 million in Proposition 47 savings to cities and counties around California with great success: Participants are far less likely to be convicted of a new crime and far more likely to have stable housing and employment, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/s_bsccprop47/\">according to state data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilbert Johnson, director of strategic reentry initiatives for Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, highlighted the transformative impact of programs like CEO. The mayor’s office has been awarded $18 million so far in Proposition 47 grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said the success of these programs is predicated on their holistic approach, the understanding that employment or housing isn’t enough if someone’s still struggling with mental health issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the folks have been out [of prison] for years, decades, but still continue to experience barriers to what they need to live a productive, healthy, successful life,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[aside postID=\"news_11982070,news_11982393,news_11975692\" label=\"Related Stories\"]Having overcome his own struggles, Johnson understands the people he serves. He spent time in and out of jail and was homeless with a baby of his own on the way when he finally got help 15 years ago from a community nonprofit similar to those now funded by Proposition 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, the difference between success and failure is just having someone believe you can do it, Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You continuously hear, “People gave me a shot. They gave me a chance, and they didn’t see me as my number … they didn’t see me as my worst mistake. They saw me as somebody working and really wanting to do the right thing”,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Johnson and others are worried that a backlash to criminal justice reforms, including Proposition 47, could roll back the progress Project imPACT is making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">for a ballot measure that would reverse some parts of Proposition 47 \u003c/a>recently turned in signatures to state election officials in the hopes of qualifying for the November ballot. A \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Initiative/2023-017\">nonpartisan analysis of that initiative\u003c/a> found that it would likely increase state and local criminal justice costs by hundreds of millions of dollars and reduce the amount of money spent on Proposition 47 programs like Project imPACT.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A New Path to Rehabilitation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 passed in 2014 as the state grappled with overcrowded prisons and a U.S. Supreme Court order to reduce its prison population. The idea was that nonviolent drug users and people accused of minor property crimes should be offered treatment instead of jail time — and that by keeping those lower-level offenders out of jails and prisons, public funds could be spent instead on tackling the root causes that were leading people to use drugs or steal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past decade, the governor’s office said savings have topped $800 million. The bulk of those funds, 65%, is given to the Board of State and Community Corrections for programs that target mental health and substance abuse treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One-quarter of the savings is given to the Department of Education to fund truancy and dropout prevention programs, and 10% is allocated to trauma recovery centers for victims of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The BSCC grant program has been incredibly successful: An \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/H-2-Proposition-47-Cohort-2-Final-Evaluation-Report-FINAL-1.pdf\">evaluation of the second round of grants\u003c/a>, which totaled almost $93 million and served nearly 22,000 people, found that homelessness among participants fell by 60%. Unemployment was cut in half. And only about 15% of participants were convicted of a new crime within three years of entering the Proposition 47-funded program, compared to 35 to 45% statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Project imPACT programs, that recidivism number was even lower: 7%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said those statistics illustrate the value of Proposition 47 in providing an alternate path to crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A young person can go get $1,000 easy off of a smash and grab. Well, what if we gave them a job or showed them how to create a business,” he said. “The more we address the root causes of crime and violence, the better outcomes we’ll see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, critics said Proposition 47-funded programs, while successful, are not reaching the same number of people being prosecuted before its passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re nibbling on the problem with these programs,” Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig said, estimating that Yolo County’s Proposition 47-funded program only served about 15% of the people that drug courts would have before the ballot measure passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Which means, you know, there’s hundreds and hundreds of people running around who are seriously addicted. They’re sick, they’re using, they’re stealing, they’re homeless,” Reisig added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig also questioned whether the state’s recidivism data is accurate, noting that it is based on whether someone was convicted again only in the same county where they are receiving services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 supporters agree that the programs aren’t doing enough but said that’s an argument for increasing reentry and rehabilitation funding, not cutting it. They note that state prison spending topped $14 billion last fiscal year, compared to about $113 million in Proposition 47 savings in the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The promise of Proposition 47 has always been that we’d get a clear glimpse of what would be possible if ever we invested in crime and harm prevention to scale,” said Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, which wrote the original ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 47 is clearly demonstrating that when we take a broad and shared approach to safety that isn’t overly-reliant on enforcement and prison incarceration, we get better safety outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stories of Transformation: ‘It Instills Hope’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For participants in the Proposition 47 programs, the benefits are clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986307\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11986307 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"A headshot of a white man wearing glasses and a white shirt.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED.jpg 1333w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mitchell Kahn at the CEO offices in downtown Los Angeles on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mitchell Kahn served 18 years in prison. Now 56 years old, he’s living in a transitional home and working to get his commercial driver’s license so he can drive trucks for a living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very different world,” Kahn said. “I went into prison at 36 years of age, coming out of working for a bank. …. And my first job out of prison was picking up things on the side of the freeway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kahn is now working to build a career, he said it’s not the most important help CEO and other Project imPACT programs have offered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, he said, “I got the ability to talk. When I came home from prison in October of last year, I had an extreme amount of anxiety, and I couldn’t always talk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He received help from a therapist and free acupuncture from a health care clinic funded by Project imPACT. It’s all given him the confidence to overcome his anxiety, he said, and figure out a sustainable career path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and others said it’s a process: The first job placement he received involved helping other people find employment at a different nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t a good fit,” he said. “And I was able to come back and … share what happened. And I wasn’t blamed for it not working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That flexibility and willingness to help participants find a job, housing, healthcare and other support is a key part of why Project imPACT programs are working, said Melanie Robledo, housing project manager at CEO. Robledo, like many CEO employees, started as a client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came home [from jail] in a black paper suit. I had nothing to my name. Being able to have my own income, I was able to do things that gave me a level of independence,” she said. “I bought my first pair of shoes. I was able to take my kids out to eat. I was able to contribute. So, it gives you that level of like, oh, my gosh, I’m doing this right. And it also instills hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986308\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986308\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a white polo shirt leans against a window.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Melanie Robledo at CEO on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Robledo said she lost custody of her children, who are now 16 and 14, when she was cycling in and out of jail and struggling with mental illness, addiction and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a level of disappointment, a level of shame, and a lot of other things that came with that. So, getting this job and going through the reentry process has been life-changing for me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robledo said it’s “empowering” to now model what change can look like, not just for her community but for her family, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see my kids regularly. I’m at every sporting event,” she said. “It changed the whole trajectory of my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986323\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man wearing a white hat, black vest and white shirt stands over a woman wearing a white shirt looking at a desktop screen in a building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tommy Eugene Lewis III (right) and Melanie work closely together at the CEO offices on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another Proposition 47-funded program in Los Angeles County is \u003ca href=\"https://www.shieldsforfamilies.org/\">SHIELDS for Families\u003c/a>, a reentry and workforce development program that largely receives client referrals from jails, probation agencies and community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saun Hough is the vocational services manager at SHIELD; he’s also the partnerships manager at Californians for Safety and Justice, the group that sponsored Proposition 47. He said one of the reasons these programs are successful is that they stick with their clients: “We have a motto: you can’t outrun our love,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to stabilize, right? So, once you’re stable, and you’re earning, and you have readjusted, and you’re ready to go from reentry to reintegration, we still follow up with you. We still stay with you,” he said. “You get a job, and then you realize there’s a training that you need to move up to manager, come on back. Let’s work with you to see what it takes to get you there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s also true for people who walk away before completing the program, Hough said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see people that don’t stick it out,” he said, “and then six months later… somebody is waiting in the lobby.”\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"Programs funded by Proposition 47’s cost savings are showing success transitioning individuals out of incarceration — even amid a push to rollback parts of the landmark criminal justice reform.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1715883284,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":51,"wordCount":2141},"headData":{"title":"Prop 47 Has Saved California Millions. These Are the Programs It's Funded | KQED","description":"Programs funded by Proposition 47’s cost savings are showing success transitioning individuals out of incarceration — even amid a push to rollback parts of the landmark criminal justice reform.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"Prop 47 Has Saved California Millions. These Are the Programs It's Funded","datePublished":"2024-05-16T13:00:49.000Z","dateModified":"2024-05-16T18:14:44.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}}},"audioUrl":"https://traffic.omny.fm/d/clips/0af137ef-751e-4b19-a055-aaef00d2d578/ffca7e9f-6831-4[…]f-aaef00f5a073/1283afb1-b82b-42ed-afb9-b17201053df6/audio.mp3","sticky":false,"WpOldSlug":"a-landmark-criminal-justice-reform-has-saved-california-millions-these-are-the-programs-its-funded","nprStoryId":"kqed-11986380","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11986380/prop-47-has-saved-california-millions-these-are-the-programs-its-funded","audioTrackLength":null,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>In 1997, Tommy Eugene Lewis III was \u003ca href=\"https://casetext.com/case/people-v-lewis-853\">sentenced\u003c/a> to 41 years to life in state prison for attempted murder after he shot and injured another driver. He was 18 years old.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Three years ago, at 43, Lewis was released from prison. He’d spent his entire adult life behind bars and wasn’t sure what was next.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>A friend directed him to the Center for Employment Opportunity (CEO), a nonprofit located near Skid Row in Los Angeles, which, despite its proximity, feels like a world apart. Housed in a modern, light-filled office complex above boutiques and restaurants, CEO more closely resembles a tech office.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"‘Proposition 47 is clearly demonstrating that when we take a broad and shared approach to safety that isn’t overly reliant on enforcement and prison incarceration, we get better safety outcomes.’","name":"pullquote","attributes":{"named":{"size":"medium","align":"right","citation":"Tinisch Hollins, executive director, Californians for Safety and Justice","label":""},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Offering more than just employment, CEO provides housing assistance, support services like legal aid and helps connect people with behavioral health specialists or therapists. Participants also receive same-day payment for their work.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“They literally became like my side partner [and] my support network coming home,” said Lewis, who’s now employed as a peer navigator at CEO, helping other people as they enter the program.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“When you come home from incarceration, it’s very important to know that you have some people in your corner that can really assist you in your day-to-day living. Because it’s a different thing when you can’t have somewhere to stay or some food in your stomach or clothes on your back,” he said. “These are the things that will immediately make a person go to criminal thinking, right?”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>CEO is a grantee of Project imPACT, a program run by the Los Angeles Mayor’s Office of Reentry. It’s funded through California’s Proposition 47, which diverts money from incarcerating lower-level drug users and thieves and redirects it to reentry and rehabilitation programs.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986313\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986313\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"An office building with chairs, computers, tables and pictures on the walls.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-30-ZS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The CEO offices in downtown Los Angeles are adorned with art and motivational passages adorning the walls on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>So far, the state has awarded more than $300 million in Proposition 47 savings to cities and counties around California with great success: Participants are far less likely to be convicted of a new crime and far more likely to have stable housing and employment, \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/s_bsccprop47/\">according to state data\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Gilbert Johnson, director of strategic reentry initiatives for Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, highlighted the transformative impact of programs like CEO. The mayor’s office has been awarded $18 million so far in Proposition 47 grants.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said the success of these programs is predicated on their holistic approach, the understanding that employment or housing isn’t enough if someone’s still struggling with mental health issues.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Some of the folks have been out [of prison] for years, decades, but still continue to experience barriers to what they need to live a productive, healthy, successful life,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"aside","attributes":{"named":{"postid":"news_11982070,news_11982393,news_11975692","label":"Related Stories "},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>Having overcome his own struggles, Johnson understands the people he serves. He spent time in and out of jail and was homeless with a baby of his own on the way when he finally got help 15 years ago from a community nonprofit similar to those now funded by Proposition 47.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Sometimes, the difference between success and failure is just having someone believe you can do it, Johnson said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“You continuously hear, “People gave me a shot. They gave me a chance, and they didn’t see me as my number … they didn’t see me as my worst mistake. They saw me as somebody working and really wanting to do the right thing”,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, Johnson and others are worried that a backlash to criminal justice reforms, including Proposition 47, could roll back the progress Project imPACT is making.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The campaign \u003ca href=\"https://www.kqed.org/news/11982070/campaign-to-roll-back-prop-47-criminal-justice-reforms-could-head-to-voters\">for a ballot measure that would reverse some parts of Proposition 47 \u003c/a>recently turned in signatures to state election officials in the hopes of qualifying for the November ballot. A \u003ca href=\"https://lao.ca.gov/BallotAnalysis/Initiative/2023-017\">nonpartisan analysis of that initiative\u003c/a> found that it would likely increase state and local criminal justice costs by hundreds of millions of dollars and reduce the amount of money spent on Proposition 47 programs like Project imPACT.\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>A New Path to Rehabilitation\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 passed in 2014 as the state grappled with overcrowded prisons and a U.S. Supreme Court order to reduce its prison population. The idea was that nonviolent drug users and people accused of minor property crimes should be offered treatment instead of jail time — and that by keeping those lower-level offenders out of jails and prisons, public funds could be spent instead on tackling the root causes that were leading people to use drugs or steal.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past decade, the governor’s office said savings have topped $800 million. The bulk of those funds, 65%, is given to the Board of State and Community Corrections for programs that target mental health and substance abuse treatment.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>One-quarter of the savings is given to the Department of Education to fund truancy and dropout prevention programs, and 10% is allocated to trauma recovery centers for victims of crimes.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>The BSCC grant program has been incredibly successful: An \u003ca href=\"https://www.bscc.ca.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/H-2-Proposition-47-Cohort-2-Final-Evaluation-Report-FINAL-1.pdf\">evaluation of the second round of grants\u003c/a>, which totaled almost $93 million and served nearly 22,000 people, found that homelessness among participants fell by 60%. Unemployment was cut in half. And only about 15% of participants were convicted of a new crime within three years of entering the Proposition 47-funded program, compared to 35 to 45% statewide.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>For Project imPACT programs, that recidivism number was even lower: 7%.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Johnson said those statistics illustrate the value of Proposition 47 in providing an alternate path to crime.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“A young person can go get $1,000 easy off of a smash and grab. Well, what if we gave them a job or showed them how to create a business,” he said. “The more we address the root causes of crime and violence, the better outcomes we’ll see.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>However, critics said Proposition 47-funded programs, while successful, are not reaching the same number of people being prosecuted before its passage.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We’re nibbling on the problem with these programs,” Yolo County District Attorney Jeff Reisig said, estimating that Yolo County’s Proposition 47-funded program only served about 15% of the people that drug courts would have before the ballot measure passed.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Which means, you know, there’s hundreds and hundreds of people running around who are seriously addicted. They’re sick, they’re using, they’re stealing, they’re homeless,” Reisig added.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Reisig also questioned whether the state’s recidivism data is accurate, noting that it is based on whether someone was convicted again only in the same county where they are receiving services.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Proposition 47 supporters agree that the programs aren’t doing enough but said that’s an argument for increasing reentry and rehabilitation funding, not cutting it. They note that state prison spending topped $14 billion last fiscal year, compared to about $113 million in Proposition 47 savings in the same time period.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“The promise of Proposition 47 has always been that we’d get a clear glimpse of what would be possible if ever we invested in crime and harm prevention to scale,” said Tinisch Hollins, executive director of Californians for Safety and Justice, which wrote the original ballot measure.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Proposition 47 is clearly demonstrating that when we take a broad and shared approach to safety that isn’t overly-reliant on enforcement and prison incarceration, we get better safety outcomes.”\u003c/p>\n\u003ch2>Stories of Transformation: ‘It Instills Hope’\u003c/h2>\n\u003cp>For participants in the Proposition 47 programs, the benefits are clear.\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986307\" class=\"wp-caption alignright\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"wp-image-11986307 size-medium\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg\" alt=\"A headshot of a white man wearing glasses and a white shirt.\" width=\"800\" height=\"1200\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-800x1200.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-1020x1530.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-160x240.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED-1024x1536.jpg 1024w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-4-ZS-KQED.jpg 1333w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Mitchell Kahn at the CEO offices in downtown Los Angeles on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Mitchell Kahn served 18 years in prison. Now 56 years old, he’s living in a transitional home and working to get his commercial driver’s license so he can drive trucks for a living.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It’s a very different world,” Kahn said. “I went into prison at 36 years of age, coming out of working for a bank. …. And my first job out of prison was picking up things on the side of the freeway.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>While Kahn is now working to build a career, he said it’s not the most important help CEO and other Project imPACT programs have offered.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Over the past year, he said, “I got the ability to talk. When I came home from prison in October of last year, I had an extreme amount of anxiety, and I couldn’t always talk.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He received help from a therapist and free acupuncture from a health care clinic funded by Project imPACT. It’s all given him the confidence to overcome his anxiety, he said, and figure out a sustainable career path.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>He and others said it’s a process: The first job placement he received involved helping other people find employment at a different nonprofit.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“It wasn’t a good fit,” he said. “And I was able to come back and … share what happened. And I wasn’t blamed for it not working.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That flexibility and willingness to help participants find a job, housing, healthcare and other support is a key part of why Project imPACT programs are working, said Melanie Robledo, housing project manager at CEO. Robledo, like many CEO employees, started as a client.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I came home [from jail] in a black paper suit. I had nothing to my name. Being able to have my own income, I was able to do things that gave me a level of independence,” she said. “I bought my first pair of shoes. I was able to take my kids out to eat. I was able to contribute. So, it gives you that level of like, oh, my gosh, I’m doing this right. And it also instills hope.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986308\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986308\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg\" alt=\"A woman wearing a white polo shirt leans against a window.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-11-ZS-KQED-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Melanie Robledo at CEO on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Robledo said she lost custody of her children, who are now 16 and 14, when she was cycling in and out of jail and struggling with mental illness, addiction and homelessness.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“There was a level of disappointment, a level of shame, and a lot of other things that came with that. So, getting this job and going through the reentry process has been life-changing for me,” she said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Robledo said it’s “empowering” to now model what change can look like, not just for her community but for her family, too.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“I see my kids regularly. I’m at every sporting event,” she said. “It changed the whole trajectory of my life.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11986323\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 2000px\">\u003ca href=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-full wp-image-11986323\" src=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg\" alt=\"A Black man wearing a white hat, black vest and white shirt stands over a woman wearing a white shirt looking at a desktop screen in a building.\" width=\"2000\" height=\"1333\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1.jpg 2000w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-800x533.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1020x680.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-160x107.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1536x1024.jpg 1536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2024/05/CEO-STORY-23-ZS-KQED-1-1920x1280.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 2000px) 100vw, 2000px\">\u003c/a>\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Tommy Eugene Lewis III (right) and Melanie work closely together at the CEO offices on May 14, 2024. \u003ccite>(Zaydee Sanchez for KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>Another Proposition 47-funded program in Los Angeles County is \u003ca href=\"https://www.shieldsforfamilies.org/\">SHIELDS for Families\u003c/a>, a reentry and workforce development program that largely receives client referrals from jails, probation agencies and community groups.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>Saun Hough is the vocational services manager at SHIELD; he’s also the partnerships manager at Californians for Safety and Justice, the group that sponsored Proposition 47. He said one of the reasons these programs are successful is that they stick with their clients: “We have a motto: you can’t outrun our love,” he said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“Our goal is to stabilize, right? So, once you’re stable, and you’re earning, and you have readjusted, and you’re ready to go from reentry to reintegration, we still follow up with you. We still stay with you,” he said. “You get a job, and then you realize there’s a training that you need to move up to manager, come on back. Let’s work with you to see what it takes to get you there.”\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>That’s also true for people who walk away before completing the program, Hough said.\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>“We see people that don’t stick it out,” he said, “and then six months later… somebody is waiting in the lobby.”\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11986380/prop-47-has-saved-california-millions-these-are-the-programs-its-funded","authors":["3239"],"categories":["news_6188","news_8"],"tags":["news_28202","news_28778","news_21749","news_27626","news_1775","news_19644","news_33814"],"featImg":"news_11986416","label":"news"},"news_11755932":{"type":"posts","id":"news_11755932","meta":{"index":"posts_1591205157","site":"news","id":"11755932","found":true},"guestAuthors":[],"slug":"an-island-drink-with-california-roots-the-mai-tai-turns-75","title":"An Island Drink With California Roots: The Mai Tai Turns 75","publishDate":1561159643,"format":"standard","headTitle":"An Island Drink With California Roots: The Mai Tai Turns 75 | KQED","labelTerm":{},"content":"\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">You’re sitting on the beach, sand between your toes, sunglasses on. What else could make this picture complete? How about a Mai Tai? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This rum cocktail probably makes you think Hawaii, though a lot of people and places have claimed the drink as their own. But where did it really come from? I set off on a mission to find out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">First, I headed to a place that bills itself as the “Home of the Original Mai Tai.” \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://tradervics.com/\">Trader Vic’s\u003c/a> is tucked away on the shores of San Francisco Bay, in Emeryville. On one side of the restaurant chain’s flagship is the marina, on the other, the Bay Bridge. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">According to Daniel Veliz, Trader Vic’s corporate beverage director\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, they served 40,000 Mai Tais last year in this location alone. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But what’s in an Original Trader Vic’s Mai Tai? As Veliz began mixing one for me, he said that it has just five ingredients. “Fresh lime, orgeat (almond) syrup, a touch of rock candy syrup, orange curacao, and 2 ounces of amber rum,” he said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 355px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11756296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"The Original Trader Vic's Mai Tai.\" width=\"355\" height=\"473\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-1920x2560.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-1122x1496.jpg 1122w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-840x1120.jpg 840w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-687x916.jpg 687w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-414x552.jpg 414w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-354x472.jpg 354w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 355px) 100vw, 355px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Original Trader Vic’s Mai Tai. \u003ccite>(Suzie Racho/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He gave it all a shake and poured it into a glass, then added a spent lime wedge and a touch of mint for garnish. And unlike some of the Mai Tais I’ve seen, there was no rum float, no pineapple or orange juice. And it wasn’t red. He presented a drink that was a lovely golden brown. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad fullwidth]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Vic behind Trader Vic’s was Victor Bergeron, who claimed he invented the drink in 1944. His granddaughter, Eve Bergeron, told me he created the cocktail and asked some visiting friends from Tahiti — Ham and Carrie Guild — to try it. After Carrie tasted it, she exclaimed “Mai Tai roa ae!” which means ” ‘awesome’ in Tahiti,” Veliz explained. And thus the drink was named.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tiki historian and author \u003ca href=\"http://beachbumberry.com/about.html\">Jeff “Beachbum” Berry\u003c/a> said the story of the Mai Tai started at 65th Street and San Pablo Avenue in Oakland. That’s where Bergeron opened a little saloon in 1934 called Hinky Dinks, named after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QlTKKNRkYKs\">risque ditty that was popular\u003c/a> at the time.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756258\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11756258\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37843_Hinky-Dinks-qut-800x604.jpg\" alt=\"Victor Bergeron opened Hinky Dinks at 65th and San Pablo in Oakland in 1934. \" width=\"800\" height=\"604\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37843_Hinky-Dinks-qut-800x604.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37843_Hinky-Dinks-qut-160x121.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37843_Hinky-Dinks-qut-1020x770.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37843_Hinky-Dinks-qut-1200x906.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37843_Hinky-Dinks-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Victor Bergeron opened Hinky Dinks at 65th and San Pablo in Oakland in 1934. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Eve Bergeron)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The business was successful, but Vic was interested in the tropical-themed drinks he started to see in a few spots in his native San Francisco. He set off to learn from the masters, stopping in New Orleans and the Caribbean. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In 1938, he spent a week at the legendary Havana bar, La Floridita, trying to learn all he could from the man known as the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2017/04/25/525063025/the-cocktail-king-of-cuba-the-man-who-invented-hemingways-favorite-daiquiri\">Cocktail King,”\u003c/a> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Constantino\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Ribalaigua Vert\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“One of Constantino’s famous drinks was called the Golden Gloves and (it) calls for gold Jamaican rum, orange juice, orange curacao, lime juice and sugar,” explained Berry. “Now if you add orgeat syrup to that you have a Mai Tai more or less. And that could also have been Vic’s inspiration.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756294\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 546px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11756294\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37857_Menu-800x379.jpg\" alt=\"One of Trader Vic's early menus features nods to his influences, including Don the Beachcomber in Los Angeles and La Floridita in Havana. \" width=\"546\" height=\"259\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37857_Menu-800x379.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37857_Menu-160x76.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37857_Menu-1020x484.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37857_Menu-1200x569.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37857_Menu-1920x911.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37857_Menu.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 546px) 100vw, 546px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of Trader Vic’s early menus features a nod to his influences, including Don the Beachcomber in Los Angeles and La Floridita in Havana. \u003ccite>(Suzie Racho/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When Bergeron returned to Oakland, he added the drinks he learned to make during his travels to the Hinky Dinks’ menu. “We went to work and made up a lot of new ones, ones that would sell in America,” he wrote in his 1973 autobiography, “\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Frankly Speaking\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But Bergeron also found inspiration closer to home at a Los Angeles bar called Don the Beachcomber, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.martincate.com/\">Martin Cate, \u003c/a>owner of San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.smugglerscovesf.com/\">Smuggler’s Cove\u003c/a> and a former Trader Vic’s bartender. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756252\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11756252\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37815_IMG_0260-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Martin Cate at his bar, Smuggler's Cove, in San Francisco. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37815_IMG_0260-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37815_IMG_0260-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37815_IMG_0260-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37815_IMG_0260-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37815_IMG_0260-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37815_IMG_0260-qut.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Martin Cate at his bar, Smuggler’s Cove, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Suzie Racho/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“[It was] \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">a\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">bsolutely all the rage from almost day one when it opened in Hollywood,” said Cate. “[Vic] traveled down and he not only fell in love with the place, he would try to grill bartenders all day long about what was there.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Opened in 1933,\u003ca href=\"https://www.lamag.com/digestblog/don-the-beachcomber-closing/\"> Don the Beachcomber\u003c/a> was essentially the first tiki bar, according to cocktail historians. And it served a couple of drinks that may have been of interest to Vic Bergeron, including the Q.B. Cooler, which Berry said tasted like a Mai Tai. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There was even a drink called the Mai Tai Swizzle in the early ’30s, but it was off the menu by the time Bergeron visited. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But owner Donn Beach was notoriously protective and had his bartenders mix drinks from bottles labeled with numbers. Even though Bergeron didn’t walk away with any of Donn Beach’s secret recipes, he bought some decor from him, according to Cate. The visit was a catalyst.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“When I got back to Oakland and told my wife what I had seen, we agreed to change the name of our restaurant and change the decor,” Bergeron wrote in his autobiography\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. “We decided Hinky Dinks was a junky name and that the place should be named after someone we could tell a story about. My wife suggested ‘Trader Vic’s’ because I was always making a trade with someone. Fine, I became Trader Vic.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756306\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 369px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11756306\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"An early Trader Vic menu. \" width=\"369\" height=\"492\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-1122x1496.jpg 1122w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-840x1120.jpg 840w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-687x916.jpg 687w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-414x552.jpg 414w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-354x472.jpg 354w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 369px) 100vw, 369px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An early Trader Vic menu. \u003ccite>(Suzie Racho/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So Hinky Dinks became Trader Vic’s, and business boomed. Bergeron’s pal, San Francisco Chronicle columnist Herb Caen, helped drive its popularity, exclaiming “the best restaurant in San Francisco is in Oakland.” But the Mai Tai itself wasn’t the draw — it was just one of many drinks on Vic’s expansive menu. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Martin Cate said that it wasn’t until 1953, nearly 10 years after it was first introduced, that the cocktail took a cruise to Hawaii, where the Mai Tai \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">really\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> became the Mai Tai.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“He sent the recipe on board the Matson steamship lines, which were sailing out of San Francisco to Hawaii starting in the early 1950s,” Cate said. “The Mai Tai was on the menu because they asked Vic to not only do the menu for the ships, but also for their hotel, the Royal Hawaiian in Waikiki. And when the Mai Tai got to Hawaii, it mutated basically into something Hawaiian, meaning, namely, pineapple juice.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756257\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 276px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11756257\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37842_Vic-mixing-a-drink-at-his-bar-qut-800x992.jpg\" alt=\"Victor Bergeron aka Trader Vic.\" width=\"276\" height=\"342\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37842_Vic-mixing-a-drink-at-his-bar-qut-800x992.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37842_Vic-mixing-a-drink-at-his-bar-qut-160x198.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37842_Vic-mixing-a-drink-at-his-bar-qut-1020x1265.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37842_Vic-mixing-a-drink-at-his-bar-qut-968x1200.jpg 968w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37842_Vic-mixing-a-drink-at-his-bar-qut-1920x2381.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37842_Vic-mixing-a-drink-at-his-bar-qut.jpg 1651w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 276px) 100vw, 276px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Victor Bergeron aka Trader Vic. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Eve Bergeron)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jeff Berry said travel writers picked up on it and the Mai Tai basically went viral. And because the recipe wouldn’t be published until two decades later, restaurants and bars put their own spin on the drink. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“A Mai Tai became sort of like the symbol of your Hawaiian vacation,” said Berry. “It was like paradise in a glass. I think that name more than anything else is the reason why that happened.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So who’s the true originator of the Mai Tai? Was it \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Constantino\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Ribalaigua Vert in\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Cuba? Donn Beach in L.A.? Or Victor Bergeron in Oakland? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Well, for most cocktail historians, including Martin Cate and Jeff Berry, the original Mai Tai has just five ingredients and was created in Oakland by Victor Bergeron. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As for Vic? As he wrote in his autobiography: \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Anybody who says I didn’t create this drink is a dirty stinker.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>[ad floatright]\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So raise a glass to the Mai Tai, which turns \u003ca href=\"http://tradervics.com/news/lets-get-the-record-straightthe-real-mai-tai-day-is-august-30th/\">75 in August\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n","blocks":[],"excerpt":"You might think the iconic rum cocktail was born in Hawaii. We set off to discover its true roots.","status":"publish","parent":0,"modified":1711753923,"stats":{"hasAudio":false,"hasVideo":false,"hasChartOrMap":false,"iframeSrcs":[],"hasGoogleForm":false,"hasGallery":false,"hasHearkenModule":false,"hasPolis":false,"paragraphCount":28,"wordCount":1308},"headData":{"title":"An Island Drink With California Roots: The Mai Tai Turns 75 | KQED","description":"You might think the iconic rum cocktail was born in Hawaii. We set off to discover its true roots.","ogTitle":"","ogDescription":"","ogImgId":"","twTitle":"","twDescription":"","twImgId":"","schema":{"@context":"http://schema.org","@type":"NewsArticle","headline":"An Island Drink With California Roots: The Mai Tai Turns 75","datePublished":"2019-06-21T23:27:23.000Z","dateModified":"2024-03-29T23:12:03.000Z","image":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png","isAccessibleForFree":"Y","publisher":{"@type":"NewsMediaOrganization","@id":"https://www.kqed.org/#organization","name":"KQED","url":"https://www.kqed.org","logo":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/KQED-OG-Image@1x.png"}},"authorsData":[{"type":"authors","id":"107","meta":{"index":"authors_1591205172","id":"107","found":true},"name":"Suzie Racho","firstName":"Suzie","lastName":"Racho","slug":"sracho","email":"SRacho@KQED.org","display_author_email":false,"staff_mastheads":["news"],"title":"KQED Contributor","bio":"Suzie Racho is the producer/director of \u003cem>The California Report Magazine\u003c/em>\u003cem>. S\u003c/em>he also works with several other KQED productions, including Bay Curious, The Do List and KQED News.\r\n\r\nSuzie came to KQED in 1996 after receiving a BA in journalism from San Francisco State University and spending several years working in the music industry. As part of \u003cem>The California Report\u003c/em> team, her work has been recognized by the Society for Professional Journalists, National Federation of Community Broadcasters and Public Radio News Directors Incorporated, among others. She spends her free time baking, listening to records and rooting for the San Francisco Giants.","avatar":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/cc04f18ecb8bbc759f5fc14667dd6ac4?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twitter":null,"facebook":null,"instagram":null,"linkedin":null,"sites":[{"site":"arts","roles":["editor"]},{"site":"news","roles":["editor"]}],"headData":{"title":"Suzie Racho | KQED","description":"KQED Contributor","ogImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/cc04f18ecb8bbc759f5fc14667dd6ac4?s=600&d=blank&r=g","twImgSrc":"https://secure.gravatar.com/avatar/cc04f18ecb8bbc759f5fc14667dd6ac4?s=600&d=blank&r=g"},"isLoading":false,"link":"/author/sracho"}],"imageData":{"ogImageSize":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37844_VIC_OAK_BAR-qut-1020x764.jpg","width":1020,"height":764,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"ogImageWidth":"1020","ogImageHeight":"764","twitterImageUrl":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37844_VIC_OAK_BAR-qut-1020x764.jpg","twImageSize":{"file":"https://ww2.kqed.org/app/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37844_VIC_OAK_BAR-qut-1020x764.jpg","width":1020,"height":764,"mimeType":"image/jpeg"},"twitterCard":"summary_large_image"},"tagData":{"tags":["Cocktail History","Golden State Plate","Mai Tai"]}},"source":"Food","sourceUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/food","audioUrl":"https://www.kqed.org/.stream/anon/radio/tcrmag/2019/06/20190621atcrmag.mp3","sticky":false,"audioTrackLength":437,"templateType":"standard","featuredImageType":"standard","excludeFromSiteSearch":"Include","articleAge":"0","path":"/news/11755932/an-island-drink-with-california-roots-the-mai-tai-turns-75","audioDuration":437000,"parsedContent":[{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">You’re sitting on the beach, sand between your toes, sunglasses on. What else could make this picture complete? How about a Mai Tai? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This rum cocktail probably makes you think Hawaii, though a lot of people and places have claimed the drink as their own. But where did it really come from? I set off on a mission to find out. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">First, I headed to a place that bills itself as the “Home of the Original Mai Tai.” \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u003ca href=\"https://tradervics.com/\">Trader Vic’s\u003c/a> is tucked away on the shores of San Francisco Bay, in Emeryville. On one side of the restaurant chain’s flagship is the marina, on the other, the Bay Bridge. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">According to Daniel Veliz, Trader Vic’s corporate beverage director\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, they served 40,000 Mai Tais last year in this location alone. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But what’s in an Original Trader Vic’s Mai Tai? As Veliz began mixing one for me, he said that it has just five ingredients. “Fresh lime, orgeat (almond) syrup, a touch of rock candy syrup, orange curacao, and 2 ounces of amber rum,” he said.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756296\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 355px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11756296\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"The Original Trader Vic's Mai Tai.\" width=\"355\" height=\"473\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-1920x2560.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-1122x1496.jpg 1122w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-840x1120.jpg 840w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-687x916.jpg 687w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-414x552.jpg 414w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut-354x472.jpg 354w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37825_IMG_0271-qut.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 355px) 100vw, 355px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">The Original Trader Vic’s Mai Tai. \u003ccite>(Suzie Racho/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">He gave it all a shake and poured it into a glass, then added a spent lime wedge and a touch of mint for garnish. And unlike some of the Mai Tais I’ve seen, there was no rum float, no pineapple or orange juice. And it wasn’t red. He presented a drink that was a lovely golden brown. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"fullwidth"},"numeric":["fullwidth"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Vic behind Trader Vic’s was Victor Bergeron, who claimed he invented the drink in 1944. His granddaughter, Eve Bergeron, told me he created the cocktail and asked some visiting friends from Tahiti — Ham and Carrie Guild — to try it. After Carrie tasted it, she exclaimed “Mai Tai roa ae!” which means ” ‘awesome’ in Tahiti,” Veliz explained. And thus the drink was named.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Tiki historian and author \u003ca href=\"http://beachbumberry.com/about.html\">Jeff “Beachbum” Berry\u003c/a> said the story of the Mai Tai started at 65th Street and San Pablo Avenue in Oakland. That’s where Bergeron opened a little saloon in 1934 called Hinky Dinks, named after a \u003ca href=\"https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QlTKKNRkYKs\">risque ditty that was popular\u003c/a> at the time.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756258\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11756258\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37843_Hinky-Dinks-qut-800x604.jpg\" alt=\"Victor Bergeron opened Hinky Dinks at 65th and San Pablo in Oakland in 1934. \" width=\"800\" height=\"604\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37843_Hinky-Dinks-qut-800x604.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37843_Hinky-Dinks-qut-160x121.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37843_Hinky-Dinks-qut-1020x770.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37843_Hinky-Dinks-qut-1200x906.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37843_Hinky-Dinks-qut.jpg 1920w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Victor Bergeron opened Hinky Dinks at 65th and San Pablo in Oakland in 1934. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Eve Bergeron)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The business was successful, but Vic was interested in the tropical-themed drinks he started to see in a few spots in his native San Francisco. He set off to learn from the masters, stopping in New Orleans and the Caribbean. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In 1938, he spent a week at the legendary Havana bar, La Floridita, trying to learn all he could from the man known as the “\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/sections/thesalt/2017/04/25/525063025/the-cocktail-king-of-cuba-the-man-who-invented-hemingways-favorite-daiquiri\">Cocktail King,”\u003c/a> \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Constantino\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Ribalaigua Vert\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“One of Constantino’s famous drinks was called the Golden Gloves and (it) calls for gold Jamaican rum, orange juice, orange curacao, lime juice and sugar,” explained Berry. “Now if you add orgeat syrup to that you have a Mai Tai more or less. And that could also have been Vic’s inspiration.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756294\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 546px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11756294\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37857_Menu-800x379.jpg\" alt=\"One of Trader Vic's early menus features nods to his influences, including Don the Beachcomber in Los Angeles and La Floridita in Havana. \" width=\"546\" height=\"259\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37857_Menu-800x379.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37857_Menu-160x76.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37857_Menu-1020x484.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37857_Menu-1200x569.jpg 1200w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37857_Menu-1920x911.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37857_Menu.jpg 2048w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 546px) 100vw, 546px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">One of Trader Vic’s early menus features a nod to his influences, including Don the Beachcomber in Los Angeles and La Floridita in Havana. \u003ccite>(Suzie Racho/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When Bergeron returned to Oakland, he added the drinks he learned to make during his travels to the Hinky Dinks’ menu. “We went to work and made up a lot of new ones, ones that would sell in America,” he wrote in his 1973 autobiography, “\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Frankly Speaking\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But Bergeron also found inspiration closer to home at a Los Angeles bar called Don the Beachcomber, according to \u003ca href=\"http://www.martincate.com/\">Martin Cate, \u003c/a>owner of San Francisco’s \u003ca href=\"http://www.smugglerscovesf.com/\">Smuggler’s Cove\u003c/a> and a former Trader Vic’s bartender. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756252\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 800px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"size-medium wp-image-11756252\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37815_IMG_0260-qut-800x600.jpg\" alt=\"Martin Cate at his bar, Smuggler's Cove, in San Francisco. \" width=\"800\" height=\"600\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37815_IMG_0260-qut-800x600.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37815_IMG_0260-qut-160x120.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37815_IMG_0260-qut-1020x765.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37815_IMG_0260-qut-632x474.jpg 632w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37815_IMG_0260-qut-536x402.jpg 536w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37815_IMG_0260-qut.jpg 1024w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Martin Cate at his bar, Smuggler’s Cove, in San Francisco. \u003ccite>(Suzie Racho/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“[It was] \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">a\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">bsolutely all the rage from almost day one when it opened in Hollywood,” said Cate. “[Vic] traveled down and he not only fell in love with the place, he would try to grill bartenders all day long about what was there.” \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Opened in 1933,\u003ca href=\"https://www.lamag.com/digestblog/don-the-beachcomber-closing/\"> Don the Beachcomber\u003c/a> was essentially the first tiki bar, according to cocktail historians. And it served a couple of drinks that may have been of interest to Vic Bergeron, including the Q.B. Cooler, which Berry said tasted like a Mai Tai. \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There was even a drink called the Mai Tai Swizzle in the early ’30s, but it was off the menu by the time Bergeron visited. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But owner Donn Beach was notoriously protective and had his bartenders mix drinks from bottles labeled with numbers. Even though Bergeron didn’t walk away with any of Donn Beach’s secret recipes, he bought some decor from him, according to Cate. The visit was a catalyst.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“When I got back to Oakland and told my wife what I had seen, we agreed to change the name of our restaurant and change the decor,” Bergeron wrote in his autobiography\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. “We decided Hinky Dinks was a junky name and that the place should be named after someone we could tell a story about. My wife suggested ‘Trader Vic’s’ because I was always making a trade with someone. Fine, I became Trader Vic.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756306\" class=\"wp-caption aligncenter\" style=\"max-width: 369px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11756306\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-800x1067.jpg\" alt=\"An early Trader Vic menu. \" width=\"369\" height=\"492\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-800x1067.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-160x213.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-1020x1360.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-900x1200.jpg 900w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-1122x1496.jpg 1122w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-840x1120.jpg 840w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-687x916.jpg 687w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-414x552.jpg 414w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941-354x472.jpg 354w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/IMG_0268-1-e1561081363941.jpg 1536w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 369px) 100vw, 369px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">An early Trader Vic menu. \u003ccite>(Suzie Racho/KQED)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So Hinky Dinks became Trader Vic’s, and business boomed. Bergeron’s pal, San Francisco Chronicle columnist Herb Caen, helped drive its popularity, exclaiming “the best restaurant in San Francisco is in Oakland.” But the Mai Tai itself wasn’t the draw — it was just one of many drinks on Vic’s expansive menu. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Martin Cate said that it wasn’t until 1953, nearly 10 years after it was first introduced, that the cocktail took a cruise to Hawaii, where the Mai Tai \u003c/span>\u003ci>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">really\u003c/span>\u003c/i>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> became the Mai Tai.\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“He sent the recipe on board the Matson steamship lines, which were sailing out of San Francisco to Hawaii starting in the early 1950s,” Cate said. “The Mai Tai was on the menu because they asked Vic to not only do the menu for the ships, but also for their hotel, the Royal Hawaiian in Waikiki. And when the Mai Tai got to Hawaii, it mutated basically into something Hawaiian, meaning, namely, pineapple juice.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cfigure id=\"attachment_11756257\" class=\"wp-caption alignleft\" style=\"max-width: 276px\">\u003cimg loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\" wp-image-11756257\" src=\"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37842_Vic-mixing-a-drink-at-his-bar-qut-800x992.jpg\" alt=\"Victor Bergeron aka Trader Vic.\" width=\"276\" height=\"342\" srcset=\"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37842_Vic-mixing-a-drink-at-his-bar-qut-800x992.jpg 800w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37842_Vic-mixing-a-drink-at-his-bar-qut-160x198.jpg 160w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37842_Vic-mixing-a-drink-at-his-bar-qut-1020x1265.jpg 1020w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37842_Vic-mixing-a-drink-at-his-bar-qut-968x1200.jpg 968w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37842_Vic-mixing-a-drink-at-his-bar-qut-1920x2381.jpg 1920w, https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/10/2019/06/RS37842_Vic-mixing-a-drink-at-his-bar-qut.jpg 1651w\" sizes=\"(max-width: 276px) 100vw, 276px\">\u003cfigcaption class=\"wp-caption-text\">Victor Bergeron aka Trader Vic. \u003ccite>(Courtesy of Eve Bergeron)\u003c/cite>\u003c/figcaption>\u003c/figure>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Jeff Berry said travel writers picked up on it and the Mai Tai basically went viral. And because the recipe wouldn’t be published until two decades later, restaurants and bars put their own spin on the drink. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“A Mai Tai became sort of like the symbol of your Hawaiian vacation,” said Berry. “It was like paradise in a glass. I think that name more than anything else is the reason why that happened.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So who’s the true originator of the Mai Tai? Was it \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Constantino\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Ribalaigua Vert in\u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> Cuba? Donn Beach in L.A.? Or Victor Bergeron in Oakland? \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Well, for most cocktail historians, including Martin Cate and Jeff Berry, the original Mai Tai has just five ingredients and was created in Oakland by Victor Bergeron. \u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">As for Vic? As he wrote in his autobiography: \u003c/span>\u003cspan style=\"font-weight: 400;\">“Anybody who says I didn’t create this drink is a dirty stinker.”\u003c/span>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>\u003c/p>\u003c/div>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}},{"type":"component","content":"","name":"ad","attributes":{"named":{"label":"floatright"},"numeric":["floatright"]}},{"type":"contentString","content":"\u003cdiv class=\"post-body\">\u003cp>\u003c/p>\n\u003cp>So raise a glass to the Mai Tai, which turns \u003ca href=\"http://tradervics.com/news/lets-get-the-record-straightthe-real-mai-tai-day-is-august-30th/\">75 in August\u003c/a>.\u003c/p>\n\n\u003c/div>\u003c/p>","attributes":{"named":{},"numeric":[]}}],"link":"/news/11755932/an-island-drink-with-california-roots-the-mai-tai-turns-75","authors":["107"],"programs":["news_72"],"series":["news_24115"],"categories":["news_24114","news_8"],"tags":["news_24438","news_24116","news_26031","news_18"],"featImg":"news_11756259","label":"source_news_11755932","isLoading":false,"hasAllInfo":true}},"programsReducer":{"possible":{"id":"possible","title":"Possible","info":"Possible is hosted by entrepreneur Reid Hoffman and writer Aria Finger. Together in Possible, Hoffman and Finger lead enlightening discussions about building a brighter collective future. The show features interviews with visionary guests like Trevor Noah, Sam Altman and Janette Sadik-Khan. Possible paints an optimistic portrait of the world we can create through science, policy, business, art and our shared humanity. It asks: What if everything goes right for once? How can we get there? Each episode also includes a short fiction story generated by advanced AI GPT-4, serving as a thought-provoking springboard to speculate how humanity could leverage technology for good.","airtime":"SUN 2pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Possible-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.possible.fm/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"Possible"},"link":"/radio/program/possible","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/possible/id1677184070","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/730YpdUSNlMyPQwNnyjp4k"}},"1a":{"id":"1a","title":"1A","info":"1A is home to the national conversation. 1A brings on great guests and frames the best debate in ways that make you think, share and engage.","airtime":"MON-THU 11pm-12am","imageSrc":"https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/1a.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://the1a.org/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/1a","subscribe":{"npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/RBrW","apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?s=143441&mt=2&id=1188724250&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/1A-p947376/","rss":"https://feeds.npr.org/510316/podcast.xml"}},"all-things-considered":{"id":"all-things-considered","title":"All Things Considered","info":"Every weekday, \u003cem>All Things Considered\u003c/em> hosts Robert Siegel, Audie Cornish, Ari Shapiro, and Kelly McEvers present the program's trademark mix of news, interviews, commentaries, reviews, and offbeat features. Michel Martin hosts on the weekends.","airtime":"MON-FRI 1pm-2pm, 4:30pm-6:30pm\u003cbr />SAT-SUN 5pm-6pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/All-Things-Considered-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.npr.org/programs/all-things-considered/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/all-things-considered"},"american-suburb-podcast":{"id":"american-suburb-podcast","title":"American Suburb: The Podcast","tagline":"The flip side of gentrification, told through one town","info":"Gentrification is changing cities across America, forcing people from neighborhoods they have long called home. Call them the displaced. Now those priced out of the Bay Area are looking for a better life in an unlikely place. American Suburb follows this migration to one California town along the Delta, 45 miles from San Francisco. But is this once sleepy suburb ready for them?","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/American-Suburb-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"/news/series/american-suburb-podcast","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"13"},"link":"/news/series/american-suburb-podcast/","subscribe":{"npr":"https://rpb3r.app.goo.gl/RBrW","apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/WebObjects/MZStore.woa/wa/viewPodcast?mt=2&id=1287748328","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/American-Suburb-p1086805/","rss":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/series/american-suburb-podcast/feed/podcast","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5tZWdhcGhvbmUuZm0vS1FJTkMzMDExODgxNjA5"}},"baycurious":{"id":"baycurious","title":"Bay Curious","tagline":"Exploring the Bay Area, one question at a time","info":"KQED’s new podcast, Bay Curious, gets to the bottom of the mysteries — both profound and peculiar — that give the Bay Area its unique identity. And we’ll do it with your help! You ask the questions. You decide what Bay Curious investigates. And you join us on the journey to find the answers.","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Bay-Curious-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","imageAlt":"\"KQED Bay Curious","officialWebsiteLink":"/news/series/baycurious","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kqed","order":"4"},"link":"/podcasts/baycurious","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/bay-curious/id1172473406","npr":"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/500557090/bay-curious","rss":"https://ww2.kqed.org/news/category/bay-curious-podcast/feed/podcast","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvbmV3cy9jYXRlZ29yeS9iYXktY3VyaW91cy1wb2RjYXN0L2ZlZWQvcG9kY2FzdA","stitcher":"https://www.stitcher.com/podcast/kqed/bay-curious","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/6O76IdmhixfijmhTZLIJ8k"}},"bbc-world-service":{"id":"bbc-world-service","title":"BBC World Service","info":"The day's top stories from BBC News compiled twice daily in the week, once at weekends.","airtime":"MON-FRI 9pm-10pm, TUE-FRI 1am-2am","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/BBC-World-Service-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/live:bbc_world_service","meta":{"site":"news","source":"BBC World Service"},"link":"/radio/program/bbc-world-service","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/global-news-podcast/id135067274?mt=2","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/BBC-World-Service-p455581/","rss":"https://podcasts.files.bbci.co.uk/p02nq0gn.rss"}},"code-switch-life-kit":{"id":"code-switch-life-kit","title":"Code Switch / Life Kit","info":"\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em>, which listeners will hear in the first part of the hour, has fearless and much-needed conversations about race. Hosted by journalists of color, the show tackles the subject of race head-on, exploring how it impacts every part of society — from politics and pop culture to history, sports and more.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em>, which will be in the second part of the hour, guides you through spaces and feelings no one prepares you for — from finances to mental health, from workplace microaggressions to imposter syndrome, from relationships to parenting. The show features experts with real world experience and shares their knowledge. Because everyone needs a little help being human.\u003cbr />\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/510312/codeswitch\">\u003cem>Code Switch\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />\u003ca href=\"https://www.npr.org/lifekit\">\u003cem>Life Kit\u003c/em> offical site and podcast\u003c/a>\u003cbr />","airtime":"SUN 9pm-10pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Code-Switch-Life-Kit-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","meta":{"site":"radio","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/code-switch-life-kit","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/podcast/1112190608?mt=2&at=11l79Y&ct=nprdirectory","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cubnByLm9yZy9yc3MvcG9kY2FzdC5waHA_aWQ9NTEwMzEy","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/3bExJ9JQpkwNhoHvaIIuyV","rss":"https://feeds.npr.org/510312/podcast.xml"}},"commonwealth-club":{"id":"commonwealth-club","title":"Commonwealth Club of California Podcast","info":"The Commonwealth Club of California is the nation's oldest and largest public affairs forum. As a non-partisan forum, The Club brings to the public airwaves diverse viewpoints on important topics. The Club's weekly radio broadcast - the oldest in the U.S., dating back to 1924 - is carried across the nation on public radio stations and is now podcasting. Our website archive features audio of our recent programs, as well as selected speeches from our long and distinguished history. 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On Our Watch brings listeners into the rooms where officers are questioned and witnesses are interrogated to find out who this system is really protecting. 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For one hour a week, the show tries to lift the veil from the process of \"making media,\" especially news media, because it's through that lens that we see the world and the world sees us","airtime":"SUN 2pm-3pm, MON 12am-1am","imageSrc":"https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/onTheMedia.png","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.wnycstudios.org/shows/otm","meta":{"site":"news","source":"wnyc"},"link":"/radio/program/on-the-media","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/on-the-media/id73330715?mt=2","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/On-the-Media-p69/","rss":"http://feeds.wnyc.org/onthemedia"}},"our-body-politic":{"id":"our-body-politic","title":"Our Body Politic","info":"Presented by KQED, KCRW and KPCC, and created and hosted by award-winning journalist Farai Chideya, Our Body Politic is unapologetically centered on reporting on not just how women of color experience the major political events of today, but how they’re impacting those very issues.","airtime":"SAT 6pm-7pm, SUN 1am-2am","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Our-Body-Politic-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://our-body-politic.simplecast.com/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"kcrw"},"link":"/radio/program/our-body-politic","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/our-body-politic/id1533069868","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly9mZWVkcy5zaW1wbGVjYXN0LmNvbS9feGFQaHMxcw","spotify":"https://open.spotify.com/show/4ApAiLT1kV153TttWAmqmc","rss":"https://feeds.simplecast.com/_xaPhs1s","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/podcasts/News--Politics-Podcasts/Our-Body-Politic-p1369211/"}},"pbs-newshour":{"id":"pbs-newshour","title":"PBS NewsHour","info":"Analysis, background reports and updates from the PBS NewsHour putting today's news in context.","airtime":"MON-FRI 3pm-4pm","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/PBS-News-Hour-Podcast-Tile-360x360-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"pbs"},"link":"/radio/program/pbs-newshour","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/pbs-newshour-full-show/id394432287?mt=2","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/PBS-NewsHour---Full-Show-p425698/","rss":"https://www.pbs.org/newshour/feeds/rss/podcasts/show"}},"perspectives":{"id":"perspectives","title":"Perspectives","tagline":"KQED's series of of daily listener commentaries since 1991","info":"KQED's series of of daily listener commentaries since 1991.","imageSrc":"https://cdn.kqed.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Perspectives-Podcast-Tile-703x703-1.jpg","officialWebsiteLink":"/perspectives/","meta":{"site":"radio","source":"kqed","order":"15"},"link":"/perspectives","subscribe":{"apple":"https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/id73801135","npr":"https://www.npr.org/podcasts/432309616/perspectives","rss":"https://ww2.kqed.org/perspectives/category/perspectives/feed/","google":"https://podcasts.google.com/feed/aHR0cHM6Ly93dzIua3FlZC5vcmcvcGVyc3BlY3RpdmVzL2NhdGVnb3J5L3BlcnNwZWN0aXZlcy9mZWVkLw"}},"planet-money":{"id":"planet-money","title":"Planet Money","info":"The economy explained. 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The result is stories that inform and inspire, arming our listeners with information to right injustices, hold the powerful accountable and improve lives.Reveal is hosted by Al Letson and showcases the award-winning work of CIR and newsrooms large and small across the nation. In a radio and podcast market crowded with choices, Reveal focuses on important and often surprising stories that illuminate the world for our listeners.","airtime":"SAT 4pm-5pm","imageSrc":"https://ww2.kqed.org/radio/wp-content/uploads/sites/50/2018/04/reveal300px.png","officialWebsiteLink":"https://www.revealnews.org/episodes/","meta":{"site":"news","source":"npr"},"link":"/radio/program/reveal","subscribe":{"apple":"https://itunes.apple.com/us/podcast/reveal/id886009669","tuneIn":"https://tunein.com/radio/Reveal-p679597/","rss":"http://feeds.revealradio.org/revealpodcast"}},"says-you":{"id":"says-you","title":"Says You!","info":"Public radio's game show of bluff and bluster, words and whimsy. 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